Rainbow over the Levant: concept for a unified nation (Part one)
Posted by: adonis49 on: May 5, 2011
Rainbow over the Levant (fiction novel set in the 14th century Lebanon)
Note: I decided to publish chapter 10 of my novel in three parts for easier read.
Chapter 10, Part 1: A concept for a unified nation
In this period of unstable centralized powers, the further away from Cairo the weaker the power of the Mamluk monarchy, along with the ever-present ghost of a recurrence of the Tatar threat, the Emir Antoun decided that the new political reality entitled him to give his State a name and a political recognition.
All the chiefs of villages and towns throughout the newly expanded Nation were convoked in mid May to a conclave that would last a week if necessary.
The chiefs brought along their families and assistants, while makeshift tents were erected in the Capital Mtein instead of Baldat El Mir to honor the anniversary of the new regime and remind the citizens of the real center of popular power.
The agenda for this gathering was:
First, to devise a legislature House of Representatives with its responsibilities and the processes for implementing this proposal;
Second to elect the first leader of this self-administered nation, and
Third to discuss the proposal of taxing the donations in money and lands to monasteries and other religious domains so that no strata in society would enjoy undue privileges.
A confessional group under the implicit backing of Latifa (Antoun’s elder sister) and the Christian clergy was outspoken and canvassed diligently to secure a much higher share in representative members than their proportion entitled them. The rationale of this group was that the core partisans for the victorious insurrection were Christians and that it was the only nation with a sizable Christian denomination and surrounded by Moslem Empires. This group also held firm on excluding Jews from the House because they were the persecutors of Jesus and they crucified him between two convicted criminals.
Antoun understood the ancient apprehension of his compatriots and their quest for a stable political framework that may secure confidence and animate the enterprising spirit in Mount Lebanon to open up to wider markets. He worked out a tacit verbal agreement with the Moslems’ counterparts to accept a temporary tradeoff until the next election to allay the Christians’ fears of this novel form of participation.
This agreement was laden with many restrictions from both parties toward any form of female representation and excluding them from military obligations.
Antoun reluctantly had to bend to the power of tradition until more women prove themselves able to manage in the administration and learn to associate among themselves and voice their concerns politically. However, he vehemently insisted on a limited female representations in municipality councils, appointing female and Jewish counselors and female civil servants in the government administrations, and on keeping the female military formations already in service.
Under this tacit agreement, the Christians would be represented by 65% of the House versus 35% for the Moslems.
On the last day of the assembly, Antoun was elected to ten years as First Emir of the Levant Emirate with no restrictions to a potential renewal for leadership. The First Emir was tempted to call himself Sultan of the Levant, as traditions of the time required, but he realized that this title would generate more trouble from the dissenting neighboring Emirs and open the eyes of larger kingdoms to his future schemes of expansion.
Initial Parliamentary election
There was a need for a representative body of all the regions based on an electoral system. No unanimous electoral system could be agreed upon that was satisfactory. A transitory and consensual one for the first election was enacted.
This first electoral system was flawed in many respects of religious proportion, gender discrimination and status levels of the representatives.
Women not only were forbidden to be candidates but also single women were not allowed to vote. The clergy of all religious sects were not to register as candidates but could cast their ballot. Anyone who did not own a house or a sizable piece of land could not be a candidate. However, it was decided that the fairness of the application of the system was to be strictly monitored and the lists of voters and candidates printed out in advance.
The clergy of various religious sects was surprised to learn that the chiefs of villages agreed to tax some of clergy wealth and also that they were cast out from representation. These news shed a shadow of realization that changes in society were in the offing and proclamations to boycott the election were announced in churches and mosques. The government decided not to rescind the donation tax law but agreed to proceed with negotiations.
Mustafa’s position was that it was fair that the clergy should have the same rights as any citizen, especially that they were the most learned section in society. For example, he said, “we certainly would have a hard time implementing any election if the clergy decided to boycott and refrain from helping the citizens in reading the procedures and writing petitions concerning discrepancies and unfair dealings during elections”.
Gergis pronounced that, “the clergy has already adopted a kind of democratic election within their hierarchy and has experience in running legislative conventions and would be an asset in enhancing the learning process of the next House of Representatives”.
A satisfactory deal was struck with the clergy:
First, the rate of taxation on donations was reduced to 10% for the first two years and then increased to 15% subsequently and
Second, that the clergy of all denominations were called upon to select two representatives for each sect to the next House of Representatives but would be prohibited to cast a vote for the lay candidates and were urged to support the election process and monitor its fairness and accuracy.
Adonis Diaries 
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