Adonis Diaries

Archive for July 13th, 2014

 

Beirut Design Week 2014

Year after year, the Lebanese capital’s design week showcases the highest levels of applied design, both in terms of product and its background origins.

Design / Maria Cristina Didero posted this July 10, 2014

In constant flux for historic, socio-cultural and political reasons, in these times when globalisation is levelling diversity, what may make a city such as Beirut special is its fragmentary nature and huge potential.

After years in the grip of war, the so-called Paris of the Middle East is earning its place on the local creative scenario.

Given all its recent vitality, there simply had to be a Beirut Design Week, organised by the non-profit MENA DESIGN RESEARCH CENTER and backed by the Minister of Tourism Michel Pharaon, it is now in its third year thanks to the work of its directors, Maya Karanouh and Doreen Toutikian who managed to attract more than 90 national designers.

In apertura e sopra: Nada DebsSeven steps to #craftcool, performance featuring seven craftsmen

From 9 to 15 June, the Lebanese capital did celebrate only the accepted local creativity, with internationally consecrated queens such as Bokja (thinking positive, Huda Baroudi and Maria Hibri presented happiness in the form of The Tree of Love) and Nada Debs (with the extraordinary #craftcoolperformance featuring seven craftsmen dressed in white at work); year after year, they showcase the highest levels of applied design – both in terms of product and its background origins.

As well as the “Newcomers” exhibition at the Saifi Village– a colourful display by the country’s fashion designers – the Souk also featured two European delegations: Denmark displayed its “Contemporary Danish Architecture” and Holland presented an overview of its best current works in the “Dutch Design Exhibition”.

Beirut Design Week

In this country of delightful people, climate and food, the majestic Central restaurant outstandingly re-designed at the beginning of this year by the associated architects MARIAGROUP (Michèle Chaya and Georges Maria) after an initial design by Bernard Khoury in 2001 – and where you feel as if you are in one of today’s most edgy metropolises – staged Design Meets Food, a project focusing on free interpretations of primary foodstuffs – should chocolate and gold be considered such for different reasons, as occurs in the installation by duo David/Nicolas which covered a selection of the most internationally famous biscuits in gold.

The talented Carlo Massoud presented a ziggurat of sliced bread – care had to be taken when choosing the slice to eat or the whole installation collapsed – to be eaten with cheese and olives.

Mary Lynn Massoud and her partner Racha Nawam create ceramic totems employing the Japanese technique of raku

Mazen Fayad went straight to the heart of staunch carnivores by hanging a lamb head down with a tap in its belly from which red wine flowed; slightly farther on, Karim Chaya invited visitors to taste beef, pork and small birds (yes, all in one bite, beak and bones included) after putting on a pair of headphones reproducing the sound made by the animals cooked.

Lebanon is a country of strong flavours. The shop of designer Karen Chekerdjian, who trained abroad, confirms the international flavour of a country that is moving on after a traumatic diaspora and witnessed the return home of its best minds, all keen to further their city’s cultural and creative growth.

There are several young talents: Mary Lynn Massoud studied at the Manufacture de Sevres, Central Saint Martins in London and then in Italy; she and her partner Racha Nawam, who gained experience in the USA, create ceramic totems employing the Japanese technique of raku.

Ghassan Salameh presented Magma, a collection of light fixtures in opaque glass over a metal structure that are reminiscent of traditional Oriental geometries

In collaboration with Mexican designer Francisco Torres, The Squad Design gallery launched, the 10 100 1000 contest for young designers and the versatile Ghassan Salameh, a graphic artist and designer with a degree from the Notre Dame University in Beirut and a Master gained abroad, presented Magma, a collection of light fixtures in opaque glass over a metal structure that are reminiscent of traditional Oriental geometries (sadaf furniture).

The result resembles a garden of luminous roses and, like roses, each one differs from the other thanks to the unpredictable fusion of the two materials. Badaro is currently one of the most Bohemian quarters and where we visit the SAA office of architect Sophie Skaf, in a splendid Jeanne Royère building of the mid-20th century that has always been in her family and is now being refurbished.

Skaf has published a book on vibrantly patterned tiles entitled 20×20, the fruit of years of research in Tunis, Paris, Barcelona and Beirut. We also paid a much-deserved visit to the OtherDada of young talent Adib Dada in the Sabbagh Building, one of the city’s historic buildings that survived the bombing and has now been fully, skilfully and thoughtfully refurbished. Dada is a perfectionist of architectural design with several ongoing commissions in Lebanon and Saudi Arabia.

Adib Dada approach to architecture takes in a number of scientific studies on urban biodiversity that focus on flora and fauna, smart mobility and smart energy.

The Italian presence was in the Hamra district where, in the brilliant Carwan Gallery, led by Nicolas Bellavance-Lecompte and Pascal Wakim, Vincenzo De Cotiis showed a selection of furnishings he designed for Progetto Domestico, a collection that the Milan-based architect and designer has been producing for years. Not far away, Karim Bekdache’s gallery of 20th-century collectibles and PSLab were another two must-see venues for design lovers.

 

Sophie Skaf

The thread running through today’s Lebanese creativity is a zero-carbon footprint production, given the great skill of the local craftspeople and the desire to activate and strengthen the country’s industry.

With film screenings and talks (the one with the artist Mona Hatoum, fashion journalist Hilary Alexander, designer Caroline Simonelli and communication and graphic design expert Esen Carol was packed), Beirut Design Week took us all over the city, from the heart of the Downtown to the Ashrafieh, Gemmayze, Sursock, Karantina and Mar Mikhael zones; a Beirut that, with its gutted cinemas and buildings with a memorable past awaiting refurbishment (e.g. the Saint Georges hotel much loved by Brigitte Bardot), has already witnessed interventions by archistars such as Steven Holl and Herzog & De Meuron (the former with the Downtown marina; the Swiss duo with the Beirut Terraces), tackling projects that flank the fascinating 20th-century architecture which, to date, only a few are trying to restore.

© all rights reserved

9 – 15 June 2014
Beirut Design Week 2014
various locations, Beirut

No, Israel Does Not Have the Right to Self-Defense In International Law Against Occupied Palestinian Territory

On the 4th day of Israel’s most recent onslaught against Gaza’s Palestinian population, President Barack Obama declared,

“No country on Earth would tolerate missiles raining down on its citizens from outside its borders.”

In an echo of Israeli officials, he sought to frame  Israel’s aerial missile strikes against the 360-square kilometer Gaza Strip as the just use of armed force against a foreign country. Israel’s ability to frame its assault against territory it occupies as a right of self-defense turns international law on its head. 

Noura Erakat posted on Jadaliyya this July 11, 2014

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[Smoke over Gaza following an Israeli airstrike. Image by Scott Bobb. From Wikimedia Commons.] [Smoke over Gaza following an Israeli airstrike. Image by Scott Bobb. From Wikimedia Commons.]

[In view of Israel’s assertions that it’s current attacks on the Gaza Strip are an exercise in legitimate self-defense, Jadaliyya re-posts an analysis of this claim by Co-Editor Noura Erakat initially published in 2012.]
A state cannot simultaneously exercise control over territory it occupies and militarily attack that territory on the claim that it is “foreign” and poses an exogenous national security threat.
In doing precisely that, Israel is asserting rights that may be consistent with colonial domination but simply do not exist under international law.

Admittedly, enforcing international law largely depends on voluntary state consent and compliance. Absent the political will to make state behavior comport with the law, violations are the norm rather than the exception.

Nevertheless, examining what international law says with regard to an occupant’s right to use force is worthwhile in light of Israel’s deliberate attempts since 1967 to reinterpret and transform the laws applicable to occupied territory.

These efforts have expanded significantly since the eruption of the Palestinian uprising in 2000, and if successful, Israel’s reinterpretation would cast the law as an instrument that protects colonial authority at the expense of the rights of civilian non-combatants.

Israel Has A Duty To Protect Palestinians Living Under Occupation 

Military occupation is a recognized status under international law and since 1967, the international community has designated the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as militarily occupied. As long as the occupation continues, Israel has the right to protect itself and its citizens from attacks by Palestinians who reside in the occupied territories.

However, Israel also has a duty to maintain law and order, also known as “normal life,” within territory it occupies. This obligation includes not only ensuring but prioritizing the security and well-being of the occupied population. That responsibility and those duties are enumerated in Occupation Law.

Occupation law is part of the laws of armed conflict; it contemplates military occupation as an outcome of war and enumerates the duties of an occupying power until the peace is restored and the occupation ends. To fulfill its duties, the occupying power is afforded the right to use police powers, or the force permissible for law enforcement purposes.

As put by the U.S. Military Tribunal during the Hostages Trial (The United States of America vs. Wilhelm List, et al.)

International Law places the responsibility upon the commanding general of preserving order, punishing crime, and protecting lives and property within the occupied territory. His power in accomplishing these ends is as great as his responsibility.

The extent and breadth of force constitutes the distinction between the right to self-defense and the right to police. Police authority is restricted to the least amount of force necessary to restore order and subdue violence. In such a context, the use of lethal force is legitimate only as a measure of last resort. Even where military force is considered necessary to maintain law and order, such force is circumscribed by concern for the civilian non-combatant population.

The law of self-defense, invoked by states against other states, however, affords a broader spectrum of military force. Both are legitimate pursuant to the law of armed conflict and therefore distinguished from the peacetime legal regime regulated by human rights law.


When It Is Just To Begin To Fight 

The laws of armed conflict are found primarily in the Hague Regulations of 1907, the Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and their Additional Protocols I and II of 1977. This body of law is based on a crude balance between humanitarian concerns on the one hand and military advantage and necessity on the other.

The post-World War II Nuremberg trials defined military exigency as permission to expend “any amount and kind of force to compel the complete submission of the enemy…” so long as the destruction of life and property is not done for revenge or a lust to kill. Thus, the permissible use of force during war, while expansive, is not unlimited..

In international law, self-defense is the legal justification for a state to initiate the use of armed force and to declare war. This is referred to as jus ad bellum—meaning “when it is just to begin to fight.”

The right to fight in self-defense is distinguished from jus in bello, the principles and laws regulating the means and methods of warfare itself. Jus ad bellum aims to limit the initiation of the use of armed force in accordance with United Nations Charter Article 2(4); its sole justification, found in Article 51, is in response to an armed attack (or an imminent threat of one in accordance with customary law on the matter).

The only other lawful way to begin a war, according to Article 51, is with Security Council sanction, an option reserved—in principle, at least—for the defense or restoration of international peace and security.

Once armed conflict is initiated, and irrespective of the reason or legitimacy of such conflict, the jus in bello legal framework is triggered. Therefore, where an occupation already is in place, the right to initiate militarized force in response to an armed attack, as opposed to police force to restore order, is not a remedy available to the occupying state.

The beginning of a military occupation marks the triumph of one belligerent over another. In the case of Israel, its occupation of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai in 1967 marked a military victory against Arab belligerents.

Occupation Law prohibits an occupying power from initiating armed force against its occupied territory. By mere virtue of the existence of military occupation, an armed attack, including one consistent with the UN Charter, has already occurred and been concluded.

Therefore the right of self-defense in international law is, by definition since 1967, not available to Israel with respect to its dealings with real or perceived threats emanating from the West Bank and Gaza Strip population.

To achieve its security goals, Israel can resort to no more than the police powers, or the exceptional use of militarized force, vested in it by IHL. This is not to say that Israel cannot defend itself—but those defensive measures can neither take the form of warfare nor be justified as self-defense in international law.

As explained by Ian Scobbie:

To equate the two is simply to confuse the legal with the linguistic denotation of the term ”defense.“ Just as ”negligence,“ in law, does not mean ”carelessness” but, rather, refers to an elaborate doctrinal structure, so ”self-defense” refers to a complex doctrine that has a much more restricted scope than ordinary notions of ”defense.“ 

To argue that Israel is employing legitimate “self-defense” when it militarily attacks Gaza affords the occupying power the right to use both police and military force in occupied territory. An occupying power cannot justify military force as self-defense in territory for which it is responsible as the occupant.

The problem is that Israel has never regulated its own behavior in the West Bank and Gaza as in accordance with Occupation Law.
Israel’s Attempts To Change International Law 

Since the beginning of its occupation in 1967, Israel has rebuffed the applicability of international humanitarian law to the  Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). Despite imposing military rule over the West Bank and Gaza, Israel denied the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War (the cornerstone of Occupation Law).

Israel argued because the territories neither constituted a sovereign state nor were sovereign territories of the displaced states at the time of conquest, that it simply administered the territories and did not occupy them within the meaning of international law.

The UN Security Council, the International Court of Justice, the UN General Assembly, as well as the Israeli High Court of Justice have roundly rejected the Israeli government’s position. Significantly, the HCJ recognizes the entirety of the Hague Regulations and provisions of the 1949 Geneva Conventions that pertain to military occupation as customary international law.

Israel’s refusal to recognize the occupied status of the territory, bolstered by the US’ resilient and intransigent opposition to international accountability within the UN Security Council, has resulted in the condition that exists today: prolonged military occupation.

Whereas the remedy to occupation is its cessation, such recourse will not suffice to remedy prolonged military occupation. By virtue of its decades of military rule, Israel has characterized all Palestinians as a security threat and Jewish nationals as their potential victims, thereby justifying the differential, and violent, treatment of Palestinians.

In its 2012 session, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination described current conditions following decades of occupation and attendant repression as tantamount to Apartheid.

In complete disregard for international law, and its institutional findings, Israel continues to treat the Occupied Territory as colonial possessions. Since the beginning of the second Palestinian intifada in 2000, Israel has advanced the notion that it is engaged in an international armed conflict short of war in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

Accordingly, Israel argues that it can 1) invoke self-defense, pursuant to Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, and 2) use force beyond that permissible during law enforcement, even where an occupation exists.
The Gaza Strip Is Not the World Trade Center

To justify its use of force in the OPT as consistent with the right of self-defense, Israel has cited UN Security Council Resolution 1368 (2001)and UN Security Council Resolution 1373 (2001).

These two resolutions were passed in direct response to the Al-Qaeda attacks on the United States on 11 September 2001. They affirm that those terrorist acts amount to threats to international peace and security and therefore trigger Article 51 of the UN Charter permitting the use of force in self-defense.

Israel has therefore deliberately characterized all acts of Palestinian violence – including those directed exclusively at legitimate military targets – as terrorist acts. Secondly it frames those acts as amounting to armed attacks that trigger the right of self-defense under Article 51 irrespective of the West Bank and Gaza’s status as Occupied Territory.

The Israeli Government stated its position clearly in the 2006 HCJ case challenging the legality of the policy of targeted killing (Public Committee against Torture in Israel et al v. Government of Israel). The State argued that, notwithstanding existing legal debate, “there can be no doubt that the assault of terrorism against Israel fits the definition of an armed attack,” effectively permitting Israel to use military force against those entities. 

Therefore, Israeli officials claim that the laws of war can apply to “both occupied territory and to territory which is not occupied, as long as armed conflict is taking place on it” and that the permissible use of force is not limited to law enforcement operations.

The HCJ has affirmed this argument in at least three of its decisions: Public Committee Against Torture in Israel et al v. Government of Israel, Hamdan v. Southern Military Commander, and Physicians for Human Rights v. The IDF Commander in Gaza.

These rulings sanction the government’s position that it is engaged in an international armed conflict and, therefore, that its use of force is not restricted by the laws of occupation. The Israeli judiciary effectively authorizes the State to use police force to control the lives of Palestinians (e.g., through ongoing arrests, prosecutions, checkpoints) and military force to pummel their resistance to occupation.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) dealt with these questions in its assessment of the permissible use of force in the Occupied West Bank in its 2004 Advisory Opinion, Legal Consequences on the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

The ICJ reasoned that Article 51 contemplates an armed attack by one state against another state and “Israel does not claim that the attacks against it are imputable to a foreign state.” Moreover, the ICJ held that because the threat to Israel “originates within, and not outside” the Occupied West Bank,

the situation is thus different from that contemplated by Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), and therefore Israel could not in any event invoke those resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defense. Consequently, the Court concludes that Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case.

Despite the ICJ’s decision, Israel continues to insist that it is exercising its legal right to self-defense in its execution of military operations in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Since 2005, Israel slightly changed its position towards the Gaza Strip.

The government insists that as a result of its unilateral disengagement in 2005, its occupation has come to an end. In 2007, the government declared the Gaza Strip a “hostile entity” and waged war upon the territory over which it continues to exercise effective control as an Occupying Power.  Lisa Hajjar expounds on these issues here.

In effect, Israel is distorting/reinterpreting international law to justify its use of militarized force in order to protect its colonial authority. Although it rebuffs the de jure application of Occupation Law, Israel exercises effective control over the West Bank and Gaza and therefore has recourse to police powers.

It uses those police powers to continue its colonial expansion and apartheid rule and then in defiance of international law cites its right to self-defense in international law to wage war against the population, which it has a duty to protect. The invocation of law to protect its colonial presence makes the Palestinian civilian population doubly vulnerable.

Specifically in the case of Gaza,

It forces the people of the Gaza Strip to face one of the most powerful militaries in the world without the benefit either of its own military, or of any realistic means to acquire the means to defend itself.

More broadly, Israel is slowly pushing the boundaries of existing law in an explicit attempt to reshape it. This is an affront to the international humanitarian legal order, which is intended to protect civilians in times of war by minimizing their suffering. Israel’s attempts have proven successful in the realm of public relations, as evidenced by President Obama’s uncritical support of Israel’s recent onslaughts of Gaza as an exercise in the right of self-defense.

Since international law lacks a hierarchical enforcement authority, its meaning and scope is highly contingent on the prerogative of states, especially the most powerful ones. The implications of this shift are therefore palpable and dangerous.

Failure to uphold the law would allow states to behave according to their own whim in furtherance of their national interest, even in cases where that is detrimental to civilian non-combatants and to the international legal order.

For better or worse, the onus to resist this shift and to preserve protection for civilians rests upon the shoulders of citizens, organizations, and mass movements who can influence their governments enforce international law.

There is no alternative to political mobilization to shape state behavior.

 

Assault on Gaza continues: Devastation In pictures

1,200 air strikes on Gaza left 160 dead and way over 1,ooo Palestinian injured

for the 6th day of bombing.

Half these victims are women and children.

Hospitals and institutions for the handicapped have been targeted.

Five Mosques were targeted just as the worshipers were crowding the place.

Fares Gemayel shared this picture:

خبر وتعليق
اجتماع عاجل لوزراء الخارجية العرب حول الوضع في غزة الاثنينnslation

‎خبر وتعليق
اجتماع عاجل لوزراء الخارجية العرب حول الوضع في غزة الاثنين
تعليق: بكير لشو مستعجلين؟ كنتو نطروا ليخلص المجرم عملتو وما يخلي بشر ولا حجر فوق حجر.  الله يعين شعبنا عليكن‎

 posted this 11 Jul 2014 

Gaza City – The barrage of Israeli air strikes has continued over the Gaza Strip as efforts to end the upsurge of violence have so far proven unsuccessful.

Palestinians across the besieged territory have struggled to find a safe place, as the United Nations estimates that at least 342 housing units have been destroyed, and at least 2,000 Palestinians displaced, in the bombardment.

Scores of Palestinian women and children have been injured in the bombings. Local hospitals are struggling to attend to the wounded, while most people are blocked from leaving Gaza through the Rafah border crossing with Egypt.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

Israel has continued its bombardment of Gaza but has failed to stop Palestinian rocket fire, as the US offered to help negotiate a truce.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

On Friday morning, Avichay Adraee, spokesman for the Israeli military to Arab media, said that Israel had hit 1,100 targets since launching its campaign earlier this week.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

Palestinian officials said that more than 100 Palestinians were killed, most of them civilians.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

As Israel continues to pound Gaza with air strikes, there is concern about the capacity of the territory’s hospitals to attend to the more than 700 injured.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

After nearly a month of closure, Egypt opened Gaza’s main gate to the outside world – the Rafah border crossing – but travel was restricted to medical patients and people seriously wounded by Israeli air strikes.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

Gaza’s Interior Ministry announced that Palestinians holding Egyptian passports would also be eligible to leave through Rafah.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera
Israel estimates more than 500 rockets have been fired from Gaza since Monday.
/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera
Palestinians try to salvage what they can of their belongings from the rubble of a house destroyed by an overnight Israeli airstrike.
/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera
In a statement, the Israeli army said it had hit a number of houses that were being used for military purposes.
/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera
The Israeli offensive began after a build up of violence following the killing of three young Israeli settlers last month and the murder of a Palestinian teenager in a suspected revenge attack.
/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

The bombings and exchange of rocket fire between Palestinian fighters and the Israeli military has drawn strong reactions from leaders across the globe.

/Wissam Nassar/Al Jazeera

Ban Ki Moon, the UN secretary general, condemned the rocket attacks and urged Israel to show restraint.


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