Adonis Diaries

Archive for December 8th, 2015

Among the Most Vulnerable Refugees: Palestinians Fleeing war torn countries

After the horrific terror attacks in Paris and Beirut and the downing of a Russian jetliner over the Sinai, as many as 31 US governors said Syrian refugees were unwelcome.

By contrast, President Barack Obama called on world leaders to continue to accept refugees, saying that many “are victims of terrorism themselves.”

We agree. We recognize that these attacks will feed into a European—and indeed a global—sense of insecurity and vulnerability. But this is no time for the world to close the door to the refugees.

We also believe that while much attention has rightly focused on the plight of Syrian refugees overall, we must pay special attention to the Palestinian refugees from Syria, who are among the most vulnerable: They are still stateless after decades in exile, and they have been denied rights granted to other refugees, in Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, and Turkey.

(Fact is the Palestinians in Syria had far greater rights than in many countries, and they opposed the regime once the Moslem Brotherhood movement got in power)

Andrew Bossone shared this link

“At the start of the Syrian conflict, there were 560,000 Palestinian refugees living in Syria. Those Palestinians who have fled Syria have seen their mobility and access to international protection curtailed, in part because of their special legal status under an exclusion clause in the 1951 UN convention on the status of refugees.

This special status has created an opportunity for discrimination.

Because Palestinian refugees do not have the same rights under the mandate of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) as other refugees from Syria in Middle Eastern countries, they live in constant fear of arrest and forced return to Syria.”

For example, in 2013, the Jordanian government announced a non-entry policy for Palestinian refugees. Palestinians who fled Syria for Jordan cannot legally live in the refugee camps established for Syrians, nor do they have the legal right to earn money to rent other housing.

Jordanian Prime Minister Abdullah Ensour has justified Jordan’s restrictive policies as necessary to avoid absolving Israel of its responsibility to allow Palestinian refugees the UN right of return.

In Lebanon, as of May 2014, Syria-registered Palestinian refugees could only enter if they had documents for travel to a third country, limiting their stay to a maximum of 9 hours.

Restrictions on the ability of Palestinians from Syria to legally renew residency papers put the majority under the threat of arrest and deportation to Syria.

In Egypt, only Palestinian refugees are prevented from registering with the UNHCR, and thus cannot get residency permits, receive food vouchers, or medical assistance.

Nor can they benefit from any other UNHCR services.

Palestinians fleeing Syria for Egypt have been subjected to arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention or deportation, and collective expulsion.

And in Turkey, there are reports of Palestinian refugees from Syria being assaulted by border guards when trying to enter the country.

Meanwhile, Palestinian refugee camps in Syria have suffered significant shelling, destruction, and massive displacement of their populations as a result of the conflict.

Yarmouk camp, for example, has been under siege since 2012, yet no aid has been allowed in for months.

In addition, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), established after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, has not been able to distribute food aid to areas surrounding the camp since June of this year.

Given the harsh realities they face, an increasing number of Palestinian refugees from Syria are opting, alongside their Syrian counterparts, to continue on to Europe.

Many are paying exorbitant fees to smugglers and human traffickers (they must be well off?). Their routes by sea or overland are treacherous, and they face the risk of being turned back by border guards.

The US- and Russia-led talks in Vienna have come up with a transition plan to the Syria conflict. But there is clearly no immediate solution for the millions of refugees who have fled the Syrian conflict.

Indeed, in the midst of the crisis, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu  proposed revoking the IDs of between 80,000 and 100,000 Palestinians from Jerusalem.

He would thus add to the Palestinian injustice lived since 1948, when Israel’s creation forced over 700,000 Palestinians out of their country, many of whom found refuge in Syria.

Arab States and Turkey need to stop using the right of return as an excuse to deny the Palestinian refugees fleeing atrocities in Syria their basic rights and must comply with the international obligation of non­refoulement (no forced return to the country of origin).

European and other Western states could help facilitate their resettlement to third countries. Criticizing resettlement in terms of its effect on the right of return would be analogous to Arab states’ using the right of return to deny Palestinian refugees their basic human rights.

Neither local integration in the country of residence nor resettlement in a third country negates Palestinians’ individual right of return to their homeland.

As the representative of the Palestinian people, the Palestine Liberation Organization has a responsibility to intervene on behalf of Syria’s Palestinians, at the very least making a more vigorous diplomatic effort to help ensure their protection and find solutions to their plight.

Last but not least, the international community must put pressure on the Israeli government to shoulder the responsibility for the tragedy it created and to implement UN Resolution 194, which recognizes the right of Palestinians to return to their homeland



At the European Parliament on Islam and terror: Landslide victory of Marine Le Pen Front National Party

What follow are 20 files of bashing the French National Front.

But before, a reminder of France total animosity to our region, regardless of which political party is a victor:

My attitude is that the FN cannot do worse in our region (Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine) than all the successive political parties in France. Almost all the French institutions have been brainwashed to hate the Syrians and antagonize any Syrian regime. Why?

1. The Syrians were the only people who resisted and opposed French mandated power.

2. France bombed Damascus with by artillery guns and war planes for 6 months in 1924

3. France ceded 6 villages and cities to Turkey in 1926 (against its pledge to preserve the integrity of the Syrian lands), a large swath of land that current Turkey wants to transform into a No-Fly Zone on the northern borders with Syria

4. France ceded over 4,500 sq. km to Turkey (The Eskandaron province, Alexandrette) on the seashore in 1936 (against its pledge to preserve the integrity of the Syrian lands)

5. France was the main country that supported Israeli settlements in the decades of 1920’s

6. France built the atomic plant and bombs for Israel in the early 1960

7. France was the main war planes suppliers to Israel till 1968

8. France and Germany are still supplying Israel with modern nuclear submarines (over 6 of them)

En 20 fiches techniques, nous vous proposons une expertise complète du programme du Front national et de sa candidate Marine Le Pen.

Front national: notre contre-argumentaire en 20 fiches

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Il faut malheureusement prendre au sérieux le Front national et sa candidate, Marine Le Pen.

Proposition par proposition, nous vous présentons son décryptage ainsi que notre contre-argumentaire. En vingt fiches techniques, comment dire “Non” au FN.

1. Un «nouveau FN» bien proche de l’ancien

Marine Le Pen serait plus «moderne» et à la tête d’un «nouveau FN» «dédiabolisé». C’est l’idée qu’elle tente d’installer depuis sa prise du parti.

Pourtant, en comparant les propositions de 2007 et 2012, on voit que le Front national a conservé ses mesures fondamentales, du rétablissement de la peine de mort à la lutte contre l’avortement, en passant par la «priorité nationale».

Asad Ghsoub shared this link

Far right landslide in France and she is not fond of KSA and Qatar

2. Le FN et la sortie de l’euro

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

C’est la clé de voûte du programme économique du Front national : le retour au franc, sur la base d’un euro égale un franc.

Une mesure qui semblait encore totalement exotique il y a trois ans, mais que la crise de l’euro, depuis mai 2010, a rendue un peu plus crédible. Décryptage.

4. Le FN et l’«Etat fort»

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage de l’« Etat fort » prôné par Marine Le Pen, qui passera aussi par un lavage de cerveau nationaliste.

5. Le FN: l’économie et le social

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Ne pas chercher de cohérence idéologique dans le programme économique du FN. Il n’y en a pas.

6. Le FN et l’agriculture

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Il faut lire le projet de Marine Le Pen à destination des agriculteurs comme un exemple type de ce que la politique peut produire de stupide et néfaste.

7. Le FN et l’immigration

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière d’immigration de Marine Le Pen.

8. Le FN et la sécurité

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de sécurité de Marine Le Pen.

9. Le FN et la justice

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de justice de Marine le Pen.

10. Le FN et le logement

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de logement de Marine Le Pen.

11. Le FN, la santé, la recherche et la «fraude»

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de santé et de recherche de Marine Le Pen.

12. Le FN et l’éducation

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière d’éducation et d’enseignement supérieur de Marine Le Pen.

13. Le FN et l’écologie

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière d’écologie de Marine Le Pen.

14. Le FN et la place des femmes

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage du discours et des propositions sur/pour les femmes de Marine Le Pen.

15. Le FN et la laïcité

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de laïcité de Marine Le Pen.

16. Le FN et la culture

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de culture de Marine Le Pen.

17. Le FN et les institutions

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions sur la démocratie et les institutions de Marine Le Pen.

18. Le FN et le numérique, la presse

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de numérique et de presse de Marine Le Pen.

19. Le FN et la politique étrangère

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

Décryptage des propositions en matière de politique étrangère de Marine Le Pen.

20. Le FN et l’Europe

13 févr. 2012 | Par La rédaction de Mediapart

En finir avec l’Europe, détruire l’Union européenne. Au moins sur ce point, le programme du Front national est-il clair.



Theatre helps keep the peace in Tripoli (Lebanon)

A conflict resolution project

In the early 1900s Syria Street, in the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli, was a busy, prosperous thoroughfare, lined with khans where goods making their way up the coast from Beirut were brought, before being transported onwards to destinations in modern-day Syria.

Nowadays, most of the buildings here are pockmarked with bullet-holes.

Few structures on Syria Street, which bisects the impoverished neighbourhoods of Bab al-Tabbaneh and Jabal Mohsen, have escaped the scourge of violence that has plagued local residents.

A New article in The Guardian about ‘Love and War on the Rooftop >>
‪#‎MakeArtNotWar‬ ‪#‎Tripoli‬ ‪#‎Lebanon‬ ‪#‎Play‬

When rehearsals for a new play began in this Lebanese city, the actors all carried knives

Since 2008, rival militias in these neighbourhoods have engaged in at least 20 rounds of gun battles, leading to the deaths of more than 200 people and forcing thousands from their homes. (Fomented by ministers in the government)

These bursts of violence have increased in intensity since 2011, when the outbreak of Syria’s civil war accentuated old grudges and political divides between the two districts that date back to Lebanon’s civil war.

During times of conflict, residents of Syria Street have become accustomed to sharing the area with snipers.

In Bab al-Tabbaneh, a Sunni neighbourhood of 100,000 with historical connections to Homs, Hama and Aleppo, opposition to the regime of President Bashar al-Assad is strong.

In contrast, the majority of the 60,000 residents of Jabal Mohsen share the same Alawite faith as Assad, and have maintained support for the Syrian regime.

These ideological divides helped fuel violence in an environment defined by high youth unemployment and dire poverty.

This year, however, the cycle of gun battles has abated following raids by the Lebanese Armed Forces. (As the government agreed to stop the created violence)

In their absence, local NGOs and civil society groups are tentatively developing initiatives to bridge gaps between the two communities. “Initially, making contact with like-minded groups in Mohsen was difficult,” says Hanna Abou Khalil, a project co-ordinator at the Tabbaneh Youth Council. “But we are making progress.”

One striking example was the production of Love and War on the Rooftops, a play featuring 16 actors aged between 16 and 29. Hailing from both Bab al-Tabbaneh and Jabal Mohsen, most of the cast were former fighters.

To recruit these aspiring thespians to the cause, the Beirut-based civil society group March networked with the Tabbaneh Youth Council and NGOs present in Jabal Mohsen, such as Lubnan al Mahabba (Lebanon Love) and Chabab El Ghad (Youth of Tomorrow).

Auditions for the production began in February.

At the start, everyone carried knives,” recalls Lucien Bourjeili, a Lebanese writer and director brought in to direct the production. “They were suspicious of one another, and also us. An actor brought a grenade to one rehearsal – he was carrying it in a banana while acting. But by the end, a lot [of the actors] were not carrying knives.”

Love and War was staged in June at Masrah al-Medina, a theatre in the Hamra district of the Lebanese capital Beirut, 50 miles south of Tripoli.

“Most of the actors were fighters, people you should fear,” Bourjeili says. “But when you see them on stage, they are like other youth in Lebanon. The difference is that they live in poverty without economic prospects. The one thing that might make them some money is fighting.”

One of the key intentions of Love and War, Bourjeili says, was to highlight the socio-economic factors that have fuelled violence between the two neighbourhoods, and counter the negative stereotypes that are prevalent in Lebanese society.

According to a 2015 UN Economic and Social Commission survey, 56% of families in Tripoli live in poverty – but this figure rises to 69% in Jabal Mohsen, and 87% in Bab al-Tabbaneh.

Before appearing in Love and War, Samir Atris, a 25-year-old from Bab al-Tabbaneh, considered leaving Lebanon to fight in Syria. Hundreds of Tabbaneh residents have joined Syrian opposition groups including the Isis, Jabhat al-Nusra and Ahrar al-Sham.

There is no work, no opportunities, no healthcare here. Fighting pays a salary,” explains Atris, sitting on a bench just off Syria Street. “That’s why I fought here against Mohsen.”

“I used to think of people in Tabbaneh as terrorists,” says Ali Amoun, a 26-year-old from Jabal Mohsen who also performed in Love and War. “Many politicians help create hatred for their own interests. It’s the people who suffer.”

Early one morning in June, leaving his house before dawn, Amoun was stabbed in the ribs by an unknown assailant. The incident occurred shortly after he had appeared alongside his fellow Love and War actor Khidr Mukhaiber, a 21-year-old from Tabbaneh, on a primetime Lebanese television show to speak about the production.

The two had become friends during rehearsals – but not everyone in Tripoli was happy about this friendship between former fighters from rival neighbourhoods.

“I received calls from private numbers asking me why I was spending time with people from Tabbaneh,” Amoun says. “Others in the cast did, too.”

Undaunted, March – in collaboration with the Tabbaneh Youth Council – is now renovating a small building on an empty lot on Syria Street to serve as a cafe and performance space. Amoun, Mukhaiber and other Love and War actors will be involved in organising events and running the cafe.

Standing outside the new space – surrounded by foremen and painters from both Bab al-Tabbaneh and Jabal Mohsen – Mukhaiber, who first took part in gun battles at the age of 15, says he is looking forward to developing new ideas and sharing expertise picked up during the production of Love and War when the cafe opens.

“I want to keep acting. Maybe there will be gun battles again, but I am finished [with that],” he says. “Before the production, I had never been to Mohsen. Now I visit Ali and he visits me. Our families have become close. We have both lost friends, but now he is like a brother to me.”

To read the full article please visit

A conflict resolution project by MARCH
Written and Directed by Lucien Bourjeily

Acted out by the amazing youth and ex-fighters of Beb El Tebbeneh and Jabal Mohsen ..

An inspiring group of young people, much love to you all heart emoticon xoxo




December 2015

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