Archive for March 2017
From “Royal Altess” by Thomas Mann
“You think? Your are wrong. I’am not an aristocrat, I’m all the opposite, by reason and by taste.
“Proof is for mathematical theorems and alcoholic beverages. It’s not for science.”
You’ll agree with me that if I decline the vivas of the people, it’s not out of pride: I have the taste of humanity and kindness.
The greatness of mankind is a miserable thing and often, it seems to me that men should know it , and conduct themselves humanly and with kindness and not to seek to be humiliated or to cow tow to one another.
“Proof is for mathematical theorems and alcoholic beverages. It’s not for science.”
Michael Mann goes on to explain that science is all about “credible theories” and “best explanations” and his critics are not offering up any of those.
Mann’s attempt to separate proof from science stems from increasing public awareness that the warming predicted by the high-sensitivity models that Mann and others have championed just have not occurred over the last 15 years.
War in white sheets: The public invasion of the private female space in women’s literature
The dichotomy between the “angel in the house’ and the “devil in the flesh” used to symbolize the restrictions facing women in 19th century literature.
With the advance of the different stages of feminism, this (dichotomy) began to slowly dissipate as more female heroines began to be depicted as a major part of both the private and public spheres.
Does a more prolific female presence eliminate this opposition?
This research paper will focus on whether such a distinction continues to preside over the works of female novelists, and the works under study are Hanan Al-Shaykh’s The Story of Zahra and Women of Sand and Myrrh in addition to Doris Lessing’s The Golden Notebook.
ACCAD, EVELYNE, Sexuality and War: Literary Masks of the Middle East, New York: New York UP, 1990.
AL-SHAYKH, HANAN, The Story of Zahra: A Novel, 1986, Trans. Peter Ford, New York: Anchor Books, 1995.
Women of Sand and Myrrh, 1989, trans. Catherine Cobham, London: Quartet Books, 1993.
COOKE, MIRIAM, War’s Other Voices: Women Writers on the Lebanese Civil War, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1988.
DARRAJ, SUSAN, “We All Want the Same Things Basically’: Feminism in Arab Women’s Literature”, Women and Language 26.1, (Spring 2003), pp. 79 – 82.
GELBLUM, AMIRA, “Ideological Crossroads: Feminism, Pacifism, and Socialism”, Borderlines: Genders and Identities in War and Peace 1870 – 1930, Ed. Billie Melman, New York: Routledge, 1998, pp. 307 – 327.
GRIFFITHS, MORWENNA, Feminisms and the Self: The Web of Identity, London: Routledge, 1995.
LESSING, DORIS, The Golden Notebook, 2nd ed. London: Flamingo, 1972.
MOKHTAR, KHAOULA, “Becoming Liberated in Beirut”, Women of the Mediterranean, ed. Monique Gadant, trans. A. M. Berret, New Jersey: Zed Books, 1986, pp 5 – 11.
SALIBA, THERESE, “Arab Feminism at the Millennium”, Signs, Vol. 25, No. 4, Feminisms at a Millennium, (Summer, 2000), pp. 1087-1092.
SEGAL, LYNNE, Is the Future Female? Troubled Thoughts on Contemporary Feminism, London: Virago, 1987
“Two or three things that I know about…” Part two
Sabine de Bustros and Loris Moutran had a bunch of questions.
For two years, they interviewed 28 French personalities whom they never met before, and gathered their responses. This part include samples of answers.
1 If the night could say a word?
2 What is eternity?
3 If you were an echo?
4 If you were a gesture?
5 What cannot be communicated?
6 What is fear?
7 What do you watch alone?
8 What you could never forget?
9 How do you negotiate with the unknown?
10 You are a tear drop: Where do you stop?
11 You are a caress: Where do you land?
12 What is sadness?
13 What is smile?
14 What is an emotion?
15 What silence holds?
16 What cannot be grabbed?
17 What is the impossible?
18 What is not logical?
19 Any use for the redundant?
20 What is beauty?
21 What is decency?
22 What is leaving?
23 What is your noise?
24 What give eternity to emotions?
25 What gesture for sadness?
26 If pain was a location: Where would it be?
27 If soul could give a kiss: Where would it be given?
28 If tears could form a sentence?
29 What is the Hour of the moon?
30 What is the gift of autumn?
31 What is a terrible love?
32 What is the sound of solitude?
33 If you were an error, a mistake?
34 What season describes best?
35 What mark would you leave?
36 Ask a single question to God
37 What book you like to be?
38 What fictitious love affair you like to have?
39 Where is your ideal stopover?
40 What is an instant?
41 What’s the origin of solitude?
42 What is your preferred dance?
43 Your preferred water?
44 Preferred light?
45 Preferred rhythm?
46 preferred work of art?
47 Preferred Word?
48 Space you would hate to fill?
49 If you were a lie?
50 Is fire a beginning or an end?
51 If you were a form?
52 A question most revealing about you?
53 In what shape should God appear?
54 A single reason to selling your soul?
55 What would you suppress or delete if you were immortal?
56 What is induced sadness?
57 The single fear you would like to confront?
58 What in life is never anticipated?
59 What justify the truth of a word?
60 What word is as powerful as a storm?
61 The music of your life?
62 How to be reincarnated?
63 The difference between destiny and fatality
64 Name your prime emotion
65 What God should know?
66 A compliment that destabilizes you?
67 Time is a wheel or a stage?
68 Is life a question or an answer?
69 Would you build in space or in time?
70 What would you introduce as a preamble?
71 What is your own question?
Can a Robot emulate human emotions? That should not be the question…
A robot programmed with an artificial intelligence that can learn how to love and express emotions is feasible, and highly welcomed.
A child robot David can acquire and follow the various stages of kids emotional development, all the way to adulthood.
The question is why scientists should invest time and energy creating robot that would exacerbate the current calamities experienced and witnessed of human emotions and love consequences and trials?
Have we not gotten enough of negative jealousy that generates serious pains, frustrations, beating, castration, killing…?
It is getting evident that parents will no longer enjoy the adequate quality time and opportunities to caring full-time for nurturing the kids.
A kid nurturing robot at home will be the best invention for the stability and healthy emotional development of isolated kids in the future…
If robots have to convey emotions and feeling, they had better extend proper nurturing examples that kids at home may emulate…
Robots must learn to listen to the kids, ask questions, circumvent human shortcomings in failure to communicate, overcome the tendency of kids in building negative fictitious myths and role played empathy projected in relationship…
The movie “AI” of Steven Spielberg investigated the limits of man and machines confronted at the ineluctable problems:
1. The child separation from family members, particularly the mother early emotional attachment…The moment we discover that our mother is Not perfect and our father is a coward…
2. The moment it dawn on the child that we are Not unique, perfect, really loved…as we wished it should be…
2. The moment we realize that we are no longer the center of the universe and that community is too busy to care for our future…
4. The moment we accept that we are “All alone” and we have to fend for our health, safety, mental sanity…
5. The moment we feel that we were left bare and unprepared to face the desolate world around us…
Should the kid robot replace the myth of the “Blue Fairy?” This fairy supposed to:
1. Heal the torn parts in the separation with family members…
2. Render possible what we came to learn as irreversible, irreparable, and almost unfeasible…?
3. Convince us that there is always a person out there who will love us, be a true friend for life…
4. Bring our way this person who suffered and felt wounded as we are…
5. Keep at bay those cannibals, ever ready to sacrifice man and animal under the pretense of “celebrating life“
A child robot with unconditional devotion, soft-spoken, cultured, patient, and willing to listen to our lucubrations…
The happy ending that teaches us to grasp and grab on the fleeting moments of rich happiness, to taste the powerful instants of tenderness…
Freed at last from illusion, myths and these comfortable peaceful world views we thought we had acquired in childhood…
We do live on the assumption of recovering what we had lost, learning that what we lost “Never existed” in the first place…
At least, a compassionate kid robot would extend, now and then, at critical difficult moments, a glimpse of our childhood innocent belief system, of a world of goodness, sensibility, and wonder…
Little robot David should learn how and when to inject a healthy dose of emotional adrenaline to keep us sane, and ready to face the real world with more courage, more determination to disseminate what is good in us, the compassion needed to sustain and maintain our hope in a better future…
Note: This post was inspired from an article in the monthly Lebanese magazine Sante/Beaute #21. The article was not signed, but the source maybewww.shaomi blog.net
Top five regrets of the dying
A nurse has recorded the most common regrets of the dying, and among the top ones is ‘I wish I hadn’t worked so hard’. What would your biggest regret be if this was your last day of life?
There was no mention of more sex or bungee jumps. A palliative nurse who has counselled the dying in their last days has revealed the most common regrets we have at the end of our lives. And among the top, from men in particular, is ‘I wish I hadn’t worked so hard‘.
Bronnie Ware is an Australian nurse who spent several years working in palliative care, caring for patients in the last 12 weeks of their lives. She recorded their dying epiphanies in a blog called Inspiration and Chai, which gathered so much attention that she put her observations into a book called The Top Five Regrets of the Dying.
Ware writes of the phenomenal clarity of vision that people gain at the end of their lives, and how we might learn from their wisdom. “When questioned about any regrets they had or anything they would do differently,” she says, “common themes surfaced again and again.”
Here are the top five regrets of the dying, as witnessed by Ware:
1. I wish I’d had the courage to live a life true to myself, not the life others expected of me.
“This was the most common regret of all. When people realise that their life is almost over and look back clearly on it, it is easy to see how many dreams have gone unfulfilled. Most people had not honoured even a half of their dreams and had to die knowing that it was due to choices they had made, or not made. Health brings a freedom very few realise, until they no longer have it.”
2. I wish I hadn’t worked so hard.
“This came from every male patient that I nursed. They missed their children’s youth and their partner’s companionship. Women also spoke of this regret, but as most were from an older generation, many of the female patients had not been breadwinners. All of the men I nursed deeply regretted spending so much of their lives on the treadmill of a work existence.”
3. I wish I’d had the courage to express my feelings.
“Many people suppressed their feelings in order to keep peace with others. As a result, they settled for a mediocre existence and never became who they were truly capable of becoming. Many developed illnesses relating to the bitterness and resentment they carried as a result.”
4. I wish I had stayed in touch with my friends.
“Often they would not truly realise the full benefits of old friends until their dying weeks and it was not always possible to track them down. Many had become so caught up in their own lives that they had let golden friendships slip by over the years. There were many deep regrets about not giving friendships the time and effort that they deserved. Everyone misses their friends when they are dying.”
5. I wish that I had let myself be happier.
“This is a surprisingly common one. Many did not realise until the end that happiness is a choice. They had stayed stuck in old patterns and habits. The so-called ‘comfort’ of familiarity overflowed into their emotions, as well as their physical lives. Fear of change had them pretending to others, and to their selves, that they were content, when deep within, they longed to laugh properly and have silliness in their life again.”
What’s your greatest regret so far, and what will you set out to achieve or change before you die?
“First Indian President” in Latin America: Evo Morales of Bolivia?
Radical in Conservatism? And why the US is not happy with Morales?
Significant changes in Latin America have mystified writers, journalists, academics and policy-makers who purport to comment on developments in Latin America .
The case of Bolivia and two term President Evo Morales (2006 – 2014) is illustrative of the utter confusion in political labeling. (Seeking a fourth term)
A brief survey of his ideological pronouncements, foreign policy declarations and economic policies highlights a very astute political regime which successfully manipulates radical rhetoric and applies orthodox economic policies with a populist style of politics which insures repeated electoral victories and an unprecedented degree of political stability and continuity.
The Most Radical Conservative Regime: Bolivia under Evo Morales
The Morales Regime in Perspective
From a comparative-historical perspective the Morales regime would probably be considered as the world’s most conservative radical regime or the most radical conservative regime.
This apparent contradiction is resolved by examining the policies and practices of the regime. But what is not in question is that the Morales regime, his advisers and government, have extraordinary wide backing.
His allies include leaders of the social movements at home, as well as overseas investors and mining executives, trade union leaders and domestic bankers; agro-business exporters and business leaders and Indian coca farmers, all enthusiastic supporters of the “First Indian President” in Latin America and the region’s leading advocate of extractive capital!
The Morales regime has won every election, six in all, since 2005, including two Presidential elections, each by a larger margin.
His vote has increased from 50% to 60% and Morales, looking to national elections in 2014, promises to garner 70% of the ballots. No President in the history of Bolivia has secured consecutive electoral victories, and ruled democratically for such an extended period of time (8 years)with political stability.
The Morales Formula: Radicalism at the Service of Orthodoxy
The most striking aspect of the eight year rule of Evo Morales is his rigor and consistency in upholding orthodox economic policies – right out of the handbook of the international financial organizations.
The Morales regime has exercised tight control over government spending, ensuring a budget surplus and keeping social spending and public investment at levels comparable to previous neo-liberal regimes.
Pay raises for public sector workers are modest, barely keeping ahead of increases in the cost of living .
The government has held the line against public sector unions, strongly resisting strikes and other forms of labor pressure.
As a result, bankers and business people, both national and foreign, have benefited from low taxes, a stable currency and business friendly fiscal incentives.
The Government has aimed for and secured favorable trade balances, based on the export of mineral and agricultural commodities.
The Morales regime has used the billion dollar surpluses to triplicate foreign reserves, $14 billion dollars, guaranteeing foreign investors access to hard currency, when it comes to remitting profits.
The boom in export earnings is a result of high commodity prices and an increase in government royalties. Only a small share of the high earnings has gone into public investments in manufacturing and social programs; most funds remain in the banks.
At best the regime has increased spending on infrastructure to facilitate the transport of agro-mineral exports. (As during colonial policies)
The Morales regime has encouraged and protected large scale foreign investment in mining and agriculture.
It has not nationalized any large mining operation. Instead it has bought shares in forming joint ventures and increased taxes to a modest and acceptable degree.
Corporate profits are high, remittances are unencumbered, environmental and safety regulations are lax and labor conflicts are at historical lows.
The Morales regime has encouraged labor union officials under its influence, to negotiate, hold down wage demands and accept moderate increases, just above the rate of inflation.
Morales has not increased labor’s power and prerogatives at the workplace, nor allowed labor any influence in shaping its extractive capital development strategy.
Increases in the minimum wage have been incremental; the majority of labor, especially in the rural sector, live at or below the poverty line.
Morales has rejected any notion of workers co-participation in public sector enterprises and upholds the authority of capital to hire and fire workers without adequate indemnification except under specific circumstances.
Morales, via his party (MAS – Movement to Socialism) exercises decisive influence over the leaders of the labor confederation (COB) and Indian movements, thus ensuring social stability and political certainty for the business elite.
His period of labor peace is in sharp contrast to the general strikes and popular rebellion of the previous decades.
Class Harmony: Landlords and Indians, Mine Owners and Miners
Among the greatest achievements underlying Morales successful implementation of orthodox economic policies, has been his success in building a political and social coalition including historical adversaries.
During the first four years of his term as President, Morales faced strong and at times violent opposition from the regional elite in Santa Cruz , the wealthiest region in the country.
He also faced powerful ‘personalist’ (caudillos) political opponents in Cochabamba and Sucre . Using his mass base and the military he crushed the most violent opposition and negotiated political and economic pacts with the leading business and agricultural families.
Henceforth agro-business plantation owners received subsidies and tax exemptions to encourage exports and land-reform for landless peasants was relegated to marginal public lands,while small landholders received title to their existing plots Promoting agro-export became an integral part of Morales development strategy.
Morales extended his electoral coalition to incorporate the elites in Santa Cruz , formerly the bastion of the Right.
To counter US destabilization, Morales terminated the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) activity, and expelled US Ambassador Goldberg following his blatant intervention in regional politics.
Morales convoked a constituent assembly to write a new constitution for a “plurinational state” which consolidated Indian allegiance to the Morales regime. Decentralized cultural diversity ensured conformity to centrally planned orthodox economic policies
Foreign Policy: Radicalism Abroad Complements Orthodoxy at Home
While working closely and in conformity with agro-mineral, banking and foreign MNC interests at home, Morales launched a series of anti-imperialist manifestos against US intervention in Venezuela; repeatedly denounced the US blockade of Cuba; opposed the US backed military coup in Honduras’ and defended Argentina’s claim to the Malvinas Islands (what the Anglo-Americans call the Falkland Islands).
Morales joined the radical regional bloc, ALBA, initiated by President Chavez and supported ‘regional integration’ which excluded the US . He denounced the TPP (The Trans Pacific Pact) as a ‘neo-liberal project’.
Evo Morales praised Edward Snowden and his revelations; denounced NSA spying and was especially indignant with Spain and France when his flight from Moscow was diverted and denied landing rights.
At the same time that he was denouncing European collaboration with the US Empire, he was addressing major investors in Spain urging them to invest in Bolivia under favorable terms.
Evo’s radical pronouncements were directed at imperial interventionist policies, especially coup-promotion and integrationist schemes that isolated Bolivia from its political allies and Latin American economic partners.
At the same time, Evo was careful to differentiate between imperial militarism which threatened his regime and foreign investment (economic imperialism) which fit in with his economic development strategy.
In this context, friendship with Fidel Castro provided radical legitimacy for his overtures to the world’s leading mining conglomerates.
The Social Policies of a Radical Conservative
On December 22, 2013, Evo Morales surprised his enthusiastic leftist backers when he pronounced his support and defense of child labor and opposed ILO’s (International Labor Organizations) global campaign to ban it.
According to Morales child labor was essential to supporting poor family income.
According to Morales, Bolivia ’s 850,000 child laborers (about one-fifth of Bolivia ’s labor force) employed in factory, field and mining developed a “social conscience” in sweat shops.
Inadvertently Morales revealed the extraordinarily lax labor code and lack of concern for the education and health of growing children.
In fact in Bolivia low-wage child labor depresses wages for adult workers. Child labor serves a “reserve army” allowing employers to replace militant adult workers. Cheap labor is rampant in Bolivia , which has the lowest minimum wage in South America : 90 cents an hours (USD) and the lowest monthly salary ($143 USD).
Despite nearly $15 billion in foreign reserves and trade surpluses, 51.3% of the population lives on less than $2 a day.
social expenditures have only marginally increased and have been accompanied by increases in inequality: the top tenth percentile receives 45.4% of household income and the bottom 10 percentile 1%. The gini coefficient which measures inequality is 58.l2 (2009) compared to 57.9 in (1999).
Bolivia still depends on the export of raw materials and the import of finished goods.
Its main exports are oil and staples and it imports petroleum products, finished goods and prepared foods.
The promise to “industrialize” iron ore, petrol, zinc and tin has yet to take place.
The major agricultural export crops, soybeans, cotton, sugar cane, coffee are produced by large plantation owners grouped in the Santa Cruz ‘100 families’.
The most lucrative export for small farmers and peasants is coca leaf – the raw material for cocaine.
The Morales regime has successfully imposed a political economic model which has generated an unprecedented decade of political and social stability and a growth rate between 4% and 6%.
He has secured joint ventures and investments from over 50 of the biggest multi-national corporations and is in good standing with the international financial organizations.
Morales has received financial aid from both leftist ( Venezuela ) and rightist regimes (European Union). The Morales regime has secured an ever increasing percentage of votes, over the past decade, ensuring the continuity of policies, personnel, institutions and the class structure.
Morales has successfully co-opted formerly militant trade unionists and peasant leaders, through radical rhetoric, stipends and subsidies.
He has successfully converted them into “guardians of the status quo”. He has converted Santa Cruz oligarchs into political allies.
Morales has isolated and stigmatized dissident peasant organizations and environmental groups protesting infrastructure and agro-mining projects devastating the environment as “tools of imperialism”.
Even as he invites imperial MNC to take over natural resources.
Morales has been a master, without peer in Latin America , at justifying orthodox, reactionary policies with radical rhetoric.
In defense of extractive capitalist depredation he cites Pachamama the Indian goddess of the Mother Earth; in defence of the exploitation of child labor he claims work inculcates social consciousness and contributes to family income.
He provides a ‘bonus’ for school children while more than a third are out of school slaving at below minimum wage jobs (and achieving a “social conscience”).
He provides a minimum pension that does not even cover basic survival living while he boasts of budget surpluses, a stable currency and the addition of billions annually to foreign reserves.
He speaks to anti-imperialism yet embraces their neo-liberal economic orthodoxy.
He describes his regime as a “government of workers and the poor” while his economic and social policies favor the top 10%.
Evo Morales has secured a political-economic formula which has succeeded in gaining the support of the left and right, Fidel Castro and the IMF, the Santa Cruz agro-oligarchy and the Indian peasant coca farmers.
He has defeated US destabilization and intervention by expelling AID and the DEA and strengthened the capitalist state and increased capitalist profits.
The Morales model of ‘radical conservatism’ is probably not for export to other ruling classes in Latin America .
After all how many Indian presidents with a mass following and orthodox economic policies are there in the world? How many leaders can proclaim a “plurinational decentralized state” and centralize political power and economic decision-making in the hands of a small mestizo technocratic elite?
There is no doubt that Evo Morales is an exceptional leader, his multi-faceted politics reflect his genius as a political manipulator.
He is not a social revolutionary or even a consequential social reformer. His regime is certainly not a government of workers and the poor. But Evo Morales is Bolivia ’s most successful democratic capitalist ruler and he is still expanding his electoral base. The question is how long the “other 50%” will swallow his political chicanery.?
Columbian author Gabriel Garcia Marquez is dead:
Nobel Prize of Literature, the author of 100 years of solitude where he reconstituted how his ancestors lived these harsh periods.
Gabriel Garcia Marquez died in Mexico at age of 87. His wife and himself are from Columbia but he lived with all his sons and daughters in Mexico.
Both countries are reclaiming his ashes to bury: Probably, the ashes will be split between the two countries.
The works of Marquez described the colonial system that spread indignities on the indigenous people and committed all kinds of apartheid and discrimination in Latin America.
Gabo was already considered a genius by his colleagues at the age of 25 and wrote the column Al Jirafa and spent 2 years at the Bogota daily El Espectator before being given tasks in reporting events and catastrophes.
Note 1: Gabo died a couple years ago. I read many translated books of Gabo. The latest are his memoires “Vivre pour la raconter” (Live to recount it) and another one about this child girl who was persecuted as being inhabited by Satan after being bitten by a rabid dog, though she didn’t catch the disease.
Note 2: Gabo lived in many cities in Columbia and in Barranquilla, the home city of Shakira where she inaugurated her own center.
“Many years later, as he faced the firing squad, Colonel Aureliano Buendía was to remember that distant afternoon when his father took him to discover ice.” RIP Gabriel García Márquez
“لو شاء الله أن ينسى أنني دمْية، وأن يهبني شيئًا من حياة أخرى، فإنني سوف أستثمرها بكل قواي. ربما لن أقول كلّ ما أفكّر فيه، لكنني حتمًا سأفكّر في كلّ ما سأقوله. سأمنح الأشياء قيمتها، لا لما تمثّله، بل لما تعنيه. سأنام قليلاً، وأحلم كثيرًا، مدركًا أنّ كل لحظة نُغْلق فيها أعينَنا تعني خسارةَ ستّين ثانيةً من النور. سوف أسير فيما يتوقف الآخرون، وسأصحو فيما الكلّ نيام.
لو شاء ربي أن يهبني حياةً أخرى، فسأرتدي ملابسَ بسيطةً وأستلقي على الأرض، ليس فقط عاريَ الجسد وإنما عاريَ الروح أيضاً.
سأبرهن للناس كم يخطئون عندما يعتقدون أنهم لن يكونوا عشّاقًا متى شاخوا، دون أن يدروا أنهم يشيخون إذا توقفوا عن العشق.
للطفـل سـوف أعطي أجنحة، لكنني سأدعه يتعلّم التحليقَ وحده.
وللكهول سأعلّمهم أنّ الموت لا يأتي مع الشيخوخة بل بفعل النسيان.
لقد تعلمتُ منكم الكثير أيها البشر… تعلمتُ أن الجميع يريد العيش في قمة الجبل، غير مدركين أنّ سرّ السعادة تكمن في تسلقه.
تعلّمت أنّ المولود الجديد حين يشدّ على إصبع أبيه للمرّة الأولى فذلك يعني أنه أمسك بها إلى الأبد.
تعلّمت أنّ الإنسان يحقّ له أن ينظر من فوق إلى الآخر فقط حين يجب أن يساعده على الوقوف.
تعلمت منكم أشياء كثيرة! لكنّ قلة منها ستفيدني، لأنها عندما ستوضَّب في حقيبتي أكون قد ودّعتُ الحياة.
قل دائمًا ما تشعر به، وافعلْ ما تفكّر فيه.
لو كنت أعرف أنها المرة الأخيرة التي أراكِ فيها نائمةً لضممتكِ بشدةٍ بين ذراعيّ ولتضرّعتُ إلى الله أن يجعلني حارسًا لروحك.
لو كنت أعرف أنها الدقائق الأخيرة التي أراك فيها، لقلتُ “أحبكِ” ولتجاهلتُ، بخجلٍ، أنك تعرفين ذلك.
هناك دومًا يوم الغد، والحياة تمنحنا الفرصة لنفعل الأفضل، لكن لو أنني مخطئ وهذا هو يومي الأخير، لأحببتُ أن أقول كم أحبّكِ، وأنني لن أنساك أبدًا؛ ذلك لأنّ الغد ليس مضمونًا لا للشابّ ولا للمسنّ.
ربما تكون في هذا اليوم المرة الأخيرة التي ترى فيها أولئك الذين تحبّهم . فلا تنتظرْ أكثر، تصرّف اليوم لأنّ الغد قد لا يأتي ولا بدّ أن تندم على اليوم الذي لم تجد فيه الوقتَ من أجل ابتسامة، أو عناق، أو قبلة، أو أنك كنت مشغولاً كي ترسل لهم أمنية أخيرة.
حافظ بقربك على مَنْ تحب. إهمسْ في أذنهم أنك في حاجةٍ إليهم. أحببهم واعتنِ بهم، وخذ ما يكفي من الوقت لتقول لهم عبارات مثل: “أفهمك، سامحني، من فضلك، شكرًا”، وكلّ كلمات الحب التي تعرفها.
لن يتذكرك أحد من أجل ما تضمر من أفكار، فاطلبْ من الربّ القوة والحكمة للتعبير عنها. وبرهن لأصدقائك ولأحبائك كم هم مهمّون لديك.
― غابرييل غارسيا ماركيز