Adonis Diaries

Archive for January 5th, 2018


A woman wears a wedding dress behind the bars of a pop-up prison in Beirut, Lebanon. The campaign’s strong imagery is partly what made it so successful, according to Ghida Anani, the head of ABAAD.

In August 2017, lawmakers in Lebanon made international headlines when they repealed Article 522 of the Lebanese Penal Code. The provision, denounced by women’s rights organisations for many years, allowed rapists to avoid prosecution if they married their victims.

Behind this effort is ABAAD, a Girls Not Brides member in Lebanon, who spearheaded #Undress522. Launched in early 2016, the campaign would eventually lead to the repeal of the law. We spoke to them about their campaign success and what they learned along the way.


Our campaign targeted Article 522 of the Lebanese Penal Code. The article provided that, in case a marriage took place between a rapist and their victim, all prosecutions and sentences had to be suspended.

ABAAD saw this article as a blatant violation of women and girls’ human rights. Through this campaign, we wanted to repeal article 522, and insist that rape is a crime that should be punished.

An activist wearing a white dress in a jail that represents marriage. The stunt aimed to highlight a situation where the perpetrator of a crime is rewarded through marriage while the victim is sentence to life imprisonment. Photo credit: ABAAD.

We also wanted to stress that women have the right to refuse marrying their rapist and that we need to end their stigmatization.

In some contexts, families pressure the daughter to marry her rapist because the family’s honour is at stake. Sexuality is often a taboo and some traditional social norms grant society a “right of inspection” over women without them having a say.

We started our campaign early in 2016, but women’s rights organisations have been advocating for the abolition of article 522 for at least 15 years.


We organised a series of “shock” actions to sensitise the public on article 522. We wanted to convey the idea that forcing a woman or girl to marry her rapist meant sentencing her to lifelong rape.

We took part in the Beirut Marathon: activists dressed in white sheets with slogans such as “Rape is a Crime. Abolish 522!” They had covered their heads with boxes to show how women and girls forced to marry their rapist were deprived of their freedom.

Activists marching in the streets during the Beirut marathon in protest of article 522. Photo credit: ABAAD.

As part of the 16 days of activism, we launched “Undress 522 – A white dress does not cover the rape”, a video which reached an estimated 20.8 million people online and was accompanied by banners displayed everywhere in Lebanon.

We organised sit-ins in front of the Committee of Administration and Justice when it drafting the law abolishing article 522 to be sent to the Parliament.

We partnered with renowned artist Mireille Honein to hang 31 white dresses between the palm trees on the Cornicheof Beirut. Each dress symbolised a day of the month where women and girls could be compelled to marry their rapists.

This image of white wedding dresses on the Corniche of Beirut made the headlines around the world. Photo credit: ABAAD.


The development of a strategy combining advocacy, lobbying of stakeholders and sensitisation of public opinion on the existing legal framework was key to our campaign’s success.

The visual aspect of this “shock” campaign also played a crucial role in sensitising public opinion.


Communication level

We were surprised that only 1% of the Lebanese public opinion knew about article 522.

This lack of information made the campaign spread a strong impact. During our actions, we often received shocked reactions from people who could not believe that such a provision could exist in the law.

Advocacy and policy level

We were happy to receive the support of key decision-makers, including MPs or religious leaders.

A positive outcome was that the Committee not only dealt with article 522 but with several articles of the penal code as a whole, introducing the civil judge for the first time in matters related to marriage and family.


Abolishing article 522 won’t be effective without tackling the lack of knowledge about women’s rights and gender-based violence at both the institutional and community levels.

Also, it is essential to ensure the implementation of protection mechanisms making the repeal of article 522 not only effective in the penal code but also in practice.

ABAAD will continue to raise awareness of the legal framework and the reproductive health services in Lebanon. We will also continue to train key stakeholders such as the Internal Security Forces on how to deal with sexual violence survivors, with the aim of breaking the survivor-blaming culture.

How safe are the British after cow-tailing USA multiple pre-emptive wars?

Moazzam Begg Friday 29 December 2017

Prime Minister Theresa May used her Christmas message this year to pay tribute to the armed forces and remind the country that their sacrifices are “keeping us safe”. But are they?

Last week the High Court held that British troops serving in Iraq following the 2003 US-led invasion had subjected Iraqi civilians to “cruel and inhuman” treatment. It added that the treatment of prisoners by British soldiers meant that the Ministry of Defence also violated the Human Rights Act (1998).

The cycle of violence continues but we were forewarned about all of this by our own security services

Cruel and inhuman

Some have argued that the human rights advocates have purposefully sought to undermine the state and encouraged the “victim mentality” among Muslims. That in turn has given ammunition to the burgeoning far-right movements throughout the West.

The Conservative Party actively opposes the Human Rights Act, which it asserts gives more rights to prisoners – including those held without charge or trial – and has pledged to replace it with a “bill of rights” more in tune with British idiosyncrasies than those in the European Court of Human Rights.

Phil Shiner was once celebrated among Britain’s top human rights lawyers because of his dogged persistence in bringing British soldiers accused of abuses in Iraq to book (Reuters)

They cite the case of Phil Shiner, once celebrated among Britain’s top human rights lawyers precisely because of his dogged persistence in bringing British soldiers accused of abuses in Iraq to book.

Earlier this year, Shiner was struck off as a solicitor after being found guilty of “professional misconduct”. Shiner’s law firm, Public Interest Lawyers (PIL), represented countless Iraqis who claimed they had been abused by British soldiers during the occupation.

Thousands of cases were referred by PIL to the government’s Iraq Historic Allegations Team (IHAT) which “independently” reviewed the cases.

The Battle of Danny Boy

In May 2004, a British detachment of soldiers patrolling in southern Iraq were ambushed by the Mahdi Army, a pro-Iranian militia run by Iraqi cleric Moqtada al-Sadr who had mobilised Iraqi Shias against the occupation. The ensuing incident became known as the “Battle of Danny Boy”.

Fighting was intense and hand-to-hand in some places as soldiers resorted to using bayonets. After taking control, it was alleged that British soldiers tortured, murdered and mutilated captured Iraqi prisoners.

Protesters outside the Chilcot report inquiry in July 2016 (AFP)

Shiner was accused of paying an Iraqi middleman to find witnesses who concocted the allegations. Several years later, the multi-million-pound Al Sweady inquiry determined that the allegations were “wholly baseless”.

The impact of the allegations on the morale of the soldiers was summed up by Colonel James Coote who’d held a commanding position during Danny Boy: “The false allegations levelled against the soldiers in my command were among the most serious against the British army since the Second World War.”

Despite Shiner’s fall from grace, however, PIL’s work in exposing British abuses in Iraq make for disturbing reading.

Culture of impunity

Shiner’s most prominent case was Baha Mousa, an Iraqi hotel receptionist killed by British soldiers in 2003.

Mousa was terrorised, denied food and water, suffered heat exhaustion, hooded, put in stress positions and beaten to death. His body had 93 injuries.

A public inquiry in 2011 found that Mousa suffered “serious, gratuitous violence” and identified many other soldiers involved in abuses.

Notwithstanding Al-Sweady and Shiner, in 2016 IHAT was actively investigating nearly 300 British soldiers who served in Iraq and informed them that they could face criminal charges.

Despite that, the government announced this year it would be shutting down IHAT after it “directly harmed the defence of our nation” following the Shiner case.

The government also conceded settlements in favour of 326 civil cases, while another 628 claims remain, and yet criminal charges have never been brought against any military personnel.

A pervasive culture of impunity clearly exists.

Last year, David Cameron ordered the government to crack down on legal firms seeking to pursue claims against Iraq veterans and took the unprecedented threat to sue those thought to be manufacturing “spurious” claims.

Theresa May has followed suit against what her former defence secretary called “ambulance-chasing British law firms“. But evidence from these firms is credible enough for the International Criminal Court (ICC) to use in its investigation.

The bullying tactics seem to have failed.

Tony Blair visits British troops in Iraq in May 2003 (AFP)

Earlier this month, the chief prosecutor of the ICC at the Hague ruled that there was a “reasonable basis” to assert British soldiers had committed “war crimes” against prisoners during the occupation of Iraq.

The allegations, now being investigated by the ICC, pertain to various human rights violations including “wilful killing and inhuman treatment” in British military custody.

From bad to worse

On the eve of the invasion of Iraq, Colonel Tim Collins gave a stirring speech to his soldiers and told them to “tread lightly” in “the birthplace of Abraham” and “respect” the people of Iraq. He also told them to be “ferocious in battle” but “magnanimous in victory”. Collins clearly wanted his troops to live up to what he believed were military ideals.

“Their [Iraqi] children will be poor, in years to come they will know that the light of liberation in their lives was brought by you… As for ourselves, let’s bring everyone home and leave Iraq a better place for us having been there.” History will attest to how much “better” Iraq became.

The justification to invade Iraq was based on false claims that Saddam Hussain possessed weapons of mass destruction and that Iraq was training al-Qaeda in their use.

This evidence came from the “dodgy dossier” and the torture of Ibn al-Sheikh al-Libi.

In Baghdad’s Karrada neighbourhood after a suicide bombing last July (AFP)

This lie was peddled to everyone, especially the military. Soldiers were made to believe that they were going to save the world from the existential threat posed by Saddam, his Baath Party followers and al-Qaeda.

The origins of the cycle of violence

As occupation forces settled in, local power was systemically divested from all remnants of the Iraqi regime – and those deemed close to it, namely Iraq’s Sunnis – and the country’s infrastructure was effectively dismantled, including the army and the police.

The Shia population, which had been brutally repressed under Saddam, was now led by politicians and leaders who wielded control of militias bent on seeking revenge. Sunnis were increasingly excluded and marginalised and sectarianism was allowed to manifest.

“Death squads” carried out atrocities on both sides, even as British and American soldiers were committing their own. Meanwhile, as Britain’s mission in Iraq came to an end, prime minister Gordon Brown told the world: “We have made a huge contribution and of course given people an economic stake in the future of Iraq. We leave Iraq a better place.”

It was ultimately the occupation’s empowerment of one sect against another that dismembered Iraq. Today, the impunity enjoyed by the US-led occupation forces is being repeated in the fight against Islamic State.

British soldiers mark the conclusion of the British-Iraqi Training and Maritime Support Agreement in Umm Qasr, close to the southern city of Basra (AFP)

The abuses carried out by the Iraqi army and militias are at times worse than their opponents. And they have been financed, trained and supported on the ground by British and American troops.

Islamic State in turn has carried out numerous attacks on British soil. The cycle of violence thus continues but we were forewarned about all of this by our own security services.

The Iraq record

On 10 February 2003, a Joint Intelligence Committee briefing clearly warned the government.

The threat from al-Qaeda will increase at the onset of any military action against Iraq. They will target Western interests, especially in the US and UK, for maximum impact. The worldwide threat from other Islamist terrorist groups and individuals will increase significantly.

“Al-Qaeda and associated groups will continue to represent by far the greatest terrorist threat to Western interests, and that threat will be heightened by military action against Iraq. The broader threat from Islamist terrorists will also increase in the event of war, reflecting intensified anti-US/anti-Western sentiment in the Muslim world, including among Muslim communities in the West.”

Before leaving office former US president Barack Obama admitted that Islamic State was an “unintended consequence” of the invasion of Iraq even though America and Britain has been involved in bombing, invading, occupying and imprisoning Iraqis continuously since 1991. Blowback was just a question of time.

Some may believe that British troops abroad are/were keeping us safe at home but, in truth, their record in Iraq is among the primary reasons why Britain is facing the greatest terrorism threat since the Irish “Troubles”.

– Moazzam Begg is a former Guantanamo Bay detainee, author of Enemy Combatant and outreach director for UK-based campaigning organisation CAGE. Follow him on Twitter: @Moazzam_Begg

“Invasion of Iraq, a war crime? Arguments against Blair must be heard




January 2018

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