Adonis Diaries

Archive for June 30th, 2018

French secret report of 300 pages: Casualties of Israel pre-emptive war on Lebanon in June 2006

Axis of logic center in Massachusetts divulged the report.

  1. Israel lost 2,300 soldiers and 700 seriously injured (And Not 119 as claimed)
  2. Hezbollah lost 49 fighters, but Israel bombing for 33 days killed many Lebanese civilians and almost destroyed our infrastructure. About 130,000 houses were destroyed and most of the bridges, airport and gasoline stations.
  3. Israel navy lost 24 on its destroyed Saer destroyer (And Not 4 as claimed)
  4. Israel lost 160 tanks, many of the Merkava type
  5. Israel assassinated Lebanon Rafic Hariri PM (All indicate that Bush Jr. and France Chirac gave the green light to Germany and Israel to execute the order)
  6. The pre-emptive war was planned way in advance, but the timing was forced upon Israel
  7. The US and Britain poured in all kinds of weapons and ammunition to sustain the war, among them internationally prohibited weapons, like cluster bombs (still Lebanon is de-mining them after 2 decades), phosphorous bombs and depleted uranium bombs…

Note: Immediately after the cease fire, all displaced Lebanese returned to their towns within a couple of days. Displaced Israelis needed 6 months to return to their settlements. The citizens in the south didn’t wait for the government to tell them when it is safe to return, and devised make-shift bridges over the destroyed bridges.

تقرير فرنسي سري يكشف بعض حقائق عدوان تموز 2006!!!

🖊مركز ‘axis of logic في ماساشوستس يكشف النقاب عن تقرير فرنسي سري من 300 صفحة يتضمن أسرارا غير
معروفة عن الحرب الإسرائيلية ـ الاميركية على حزب الله الصيف الماضي وأسبابها الحقيقية:
ـ الموساد هي الجهة التي اغتالت الحريري.
ـ خسائر إسرائيل الحقيقية خلال الحرب مذهلة :
2300 قتيل و 700 جريح
وليس 119 كما ادعت الحكومة الإسرائيلية.
ـ 24 جنديا قتلوا في المدمرة البحرية ساعر ، وليس أربعة.
ـ عدد الدبابات الإسرائيلية التي دمرت تجاوز الـ 160 دبابة ، منها 65 بشكل كامل ، و الباقي بشكل شبه كامل.
ـ 65 جنديا قتلوا بطريقة مرعبة من خلال تدمير مخابئهم على رؤوسهم بالصواريخ المضادة للدبابات !
ـ مصادر استخبارية روسية زودت إسرائيل بمعلومات خادعة و مضللة عن مواقع حزب الله وقواته.

ماساشوستس (الولايات المتحدة):

كشف مركز axis of logic في ماساشوستس بالولايات المتحدة الأميركية عن تقرير رسمي فرنسي حول الحرب الإسرائيلية على لبنان الصيف الماضي وأسبابها المباشرة وغير المباشرة.
وقال موقع المركز في الملخص الذي نشره عن الموضوع إن الباحث والصحفي الأميركي الشهير المتخصص في الشؤون الأمنية، برايان هارينغ Brayan Harring ، حصل على نسخة من التقرير الفرنسي الرسمي، الذي يقع في حوالي 300 صفحة ويتضمن صورا وخرائط ومخططات بيانية ، خلال مروره مؤخرا في باريس في طريقه إلى موسكو في رحلة عمل .

وبحسب الملخص الذي ترجمه الباحث هارينغ نفسه عن التقرير الفرنسي الأصلي فإن جهاز الاستخبارات الإسرائيلي ـ ‘موساد’ هو الذي اغتال رئيس الوزراء اللبناني الأسبق رفيق الحريري.

ويتضح من التقرير ، كما ظهر لاحقا في تقارير إعلامية عديدة ، لعل أشهرها ما كتبه سيمور هيرش ، أن الحرب الإسرائيلية الأخيرة على لبنان لم تكن رد فعل
مباشر على إقدام حزب الله على أسر جنديين إسرائيليين في 12 تموز/يوليو الماضي بقدر ما كانت وليدة خطة إسرائيلية مدبرة وتفاهم أميركي ـ إسرائيلي مسبق على الأمر .

ويشير التقرير في هذا الإطار إلى أن الولايات المتحدة أخبرت
إسرائيل بأنها لن تكون قادرة على مدها بالقوات الأرضية نظرا لورطتها في العراق ، وإنما ‘ ستزودها بالتأكيد ( خلال حملتها القاصمة على حزب الله )
بمختلف أنواع السلاح والذخائر، بما في ذلك القنابل التقليدية والعنقودية والذخائر الحربية اللازمة للعملية المخطط لها ‘ .
وفيما يتعلق بوقائع الحرب ، وبعد أن يقدم التقرير ملخصا يوميا لوقائعها ، يشير التقرير إلى أن خسائر إسرائيل الحقيقية هي أقرب إلى الخيال إذا ما قورنت بما صرحت عنه الحكومة الإسرائيلية رسميا .
ويؤكد في هذا السياق ، بالاستناد إلى مصادر إسرائيلية رسمية ،
على أن خسائر إسرائيل من العسكريين بلغت 2300 ( ألفين وثلاثمئة قتيل ) ، وليس 119 فقط ، منهم 600 توفوا في المشافي نتيجة إصاباتهم البليغة . أما عدد الجرحى العسكريين ذوي الجروح البالغة ، والذين ظلوا على قيد الحياة ، فقد بلغ 700 جريح . كما أن 65 منهم قتلوا بطريقة مرعبة تحت الأنقاض من خلال تدمير البيوت اللبنانية التي لجأوا إليها على رؤوسهم بالصواريخ المضادة للدبابات . ويظهر التقرير في هذا
السياق أن حزب الله استهدف مشفى عسكريا إسرائيليا في صفد خلال الحرب يعتقد أنه تسبب في مقتل العديد من الجنود الجرحى المصابين .

أما خسائر حزب الله ، بحسب التقرير الذي يستند في معلوماته إلى مصدرين هما الأمم المتحدة والحكومة اللبنانية المناهضة لحزب الله ، فبلغت 50 مقاتلا (حسب مصدر الأمم المتحدة) و 49 مقاتلا (حسب مصدر الحكومة اللبنانية).
وأشار التقرير إلى أن مجموع الدبابات وناقلات الجنود الإسرائيلية التي دمرت تدميرا كاملا في الحرب بلغ 65 دبابة وناقلة جنود دمرت بشكل كامل ، منها 38 من طراز ميركافا دمرت بالصواريخ المضادة للدروع ،بينما دمرت 15 دبابة بالعبوات الناسفة المزروعة في الأرض .
أما عدد الدبابات وناقلات الجنود التي كانت إصاباتها بالغة جدا فبلغ 93 دبابة وناقلة جنود .
وفي الوقائع التفصيلية لبعض مجريات الحرب ، يشير التقرير إلى أن حزب الله قتل 18 جنديا دفعة واحدة في بنت جبيل بتاريخ 27 تموز / يوليو .
وفي 27 من الشهر نفسه ، ومن خلال كمين محكم نصبه مقاتلو الحزب ، قتل 41 جنديا إسرائيليا في بنت جبيل ، بالإضافة إلى
تدمير 12 مدرعة وثلاث ناقلات جنود و8 أصيبت بشكل بالغ .
وفي 9 آب تمكن مقاتلو الحزب من قتل 23 جنديا من خلال تدمير المنزل الذي لجأوا إليه على رؤوسهم .
و في 12 آب / أغسطس تمكنوا من قتل 24 جنديا خلال اشتباك
واحد ، فضلا عن خمسة آخرين في طائرة الهيلوكبتر التي أسقطها الحزب في اليوم نفسه .
وبشأن المدمرة البحرية ساعر 5 التي أصابها مقاتلو الحزب بتاريخ 14 تموز ، فقد ذكر التقرير أن عدد الضباط والجنود الذين قتلوا فيها بلغ 24 ضابطا وجنديا ، وليس أربعة فقط كما ذكر في حينه .
وبشأن الذخائر التي استخدمتها إسرائيل خلل الحرب، كشف
التقرير عن أن الطيران الإسرائيلي نفذ 12 ألف غارة جوية .
أما القوات البحرية الإسرائيلية فقد استخدمت 2500 قذيفة وصاروخ ، بينما استخدمت القوات البرية مائة ألف قذيفة .
وأشار التقرير إلى أن خسائر لبنان كانت في أغلبيتها الساحقة ذات طبيعة مدنية ، حيث بلغت نسبة الأطفال الذين قتلوا ، ممن هم دون سن الـ 13 عاما ، ما نسبته 30 بالمئة من مجموع الضحايا.
ودمرت إسرائيل أيضا ما
مجموعه 400 ميل ( حوالي 600 كم ) من الطرق ، و 73 جسرا ، و 31 هدفا مدنيا مثل مطار بيروت والموانىء ووحدات معالجة المياه العادمة(الصرف الصحي) و 25 محطة وقود و 900 محل تجاري و 350 مدرسة ومشفيين و 15 ألف منزل ، بينما تضرر 130 ألف منزل بأشكال مختلفة .
تبقى الإشارة إلى أن التقرير الفرنسي ، وبحسب الملخص المنشور ، كشف عن ان الإسرائيليين تعرضوا لعملية خداع كبرى ، حيث كانوا يتلقون معلومات مضللة وخادعة من مصادر في المخابرات الروسية عن مواقع حزب الله وقواته العسكرية !
بعد هذا التقرير، هل يبقى هناك من عذر لمن يصف كلام قائد المقاومة حيث قال “نعتقد بأننا الجيل الذي سيصلي في القدس” بالمبالغة؟

مجموعة اعرف عدوك

“A Watershed Moment in Palestinian History”: Interview with Jamal Juma’

Israel/Palestine

 on 

For weeks now, (since the pronouncement of Trump on Jerusalem Capital of Israel) Palestinians everywhere have been galvanized by events taking place in the Gaza Strip, the site of weekly (since March 30) mass protests demanding the end of the siege and blockade of Gaza (in place now since 2007) and the right to return to the homes from which they or their elders had been transferred (kicked out) since Israel creation in 1948.

Dubbed the Great March of Return, Palestinians in Gaza have assembled as close as they can to the Israeli-designated buffer zone separating Gaza from Israel.

Israeli soldiers at a distance, crouched behind earth barriers that they created in the days preceding the march, and at absolutely no danger of attack from the unarmed protestors, pick off demonstrators at their leisure (with live bullets, assassinating over 160  and targeting the legs to handicap the marchers, over 1,600 badly injured)

By June 14, at least 129 Palestinians had been killed and 13,000 injured; the dead included medics like the 21-year-old Razan al-Najjar and journalists including Yaser Murtaja—typically seen as off-limits in conflict zones but transformed by Israel into prime targets.

Jamal Juma’ leads a nonviolent march against the Israeli Separation Wall in the West Bank town of Al Walaja.

On June 4, I spoke to Jamal Juma’, coordinator of the Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign, about the popular resistance in Gaza, the Trump administration’s policy toward the question of Palestine, and Palestinian options to chart a new course.

Ida AudehI interviewed you in August 2011 to learn more about the separation wall and its effect on communities in its path. Describe Israel’s current system of control over the occupied territories, of which the wall is a part.

Jamal Juma’: It is clear that the wall was designed to isolate and lay siege to Palestinians. The project to place Palestinians under siege by means of the wall has been completed.

It closed off all the dynamic areas that Israel considered necessary to isolate various areas. 80% of the Wall is within the West Bank. The second part of the siege is reinforcement of the settlements.

Each settlement has what Israel calls a buffer zone – a security apparatus consisting of barbed wire and roads that Palestinians are not allowed to use.

This, together with the alternative (bypass) roads (which we call the apartheid roads), allows them to control the territory. Today there are two road networks: one is for Israeli settlers, about 1,400 km long, and its purpose is to connect all settlements to one another and to Israel in a kind of network. And this is complete.

This network is the dominant one in the West bank, and it includes the major roads. The other network, the alternative roads, is for Palestinians to use; these roads will intersect through 48 planned tunnels and bridges, some of which have been created already.

The two road systems are separate. This is the basis of the racist discriminatory system we talk about: isolating Palestinians and confining them in limited spaces, control of their resources through settlements, the road network, and military installations, and the wall, which take up about 62% of the area of the West Bank.

With the extension of the settlements, we no longer just talk about Palestinians being ghettoized in the north, south, and central region. There is more fragmentation of Palestinian residential areas.

New settlement outposts are not being discussed in terms of whether they should be removed or not.  They are being transformed into settlements. When you see 150 outposts, you are really talking about 150 new settlements. This project is being intensified, and especially since Trump took office.

IA: So you noticed a clear acceleration after Trump?

JJ: It’s much more than an acceleration. This is a watershed moment in Palestinian history. Since Trump took office, US policy fully adopted the Zionist project and embarked on a process of liquidating the Palestinian cause, of eliminating it. It is clear program.

This began with Jerusalem and the recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of the Zionist entity, the transfer of the embassy, targeting the refugees by cutting financing of UNRWA, and other forms of pressure on areas that host large numbers of refugees including getting them settled permanently in the host countries.

Israeli colonization, the geographic engineering of the political map, is another component in the liquidation of the Palestinian cause. Israeli proposals for colonization are massive.

They are concentrating on the Jordan Valley – creating new settlements, expanding existing settlements, creating the supportive infrastructure, and huge incentives are given to Israelis who work in agriculture (including cash payments of $20,000 for anyone willing to move there).

Now the settlements are on the tops of the mountain chain that overlook the Jordan Valley, which enable them to encircle lower lying towns.

When you talk about Ariel, Ma’ale Adumim, and so on, it will be as though the entire West Bank is a suburb of Tel Aviv. This will make it impossible for there to be any separation in the future, for there to be any independent Palestinian entity; instead, an apartheid system of cantons will be imposed on Palestinians.  This is the reality on the ground.

Back to the new US policy: In addition to a shift in standing US positions on Jerusalem and the refugee issue, there is the use of Arab countries that are ready for normalization with Israel and eager to be aligned with the American project – first and foremost, Saudi Arabia, and also Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Egypt, which are pressuring the Palestinians to accept the US project to liquidate the Palestinian cause.

This has complicated things and taken it out of the sphere of international law and the UN; everyone had previously worked within that framework. We have been demanding the implementation of resolutions. But the US dealt a blow to international law.

IA: The US now proposes the “deal of the century,” which Gulf states are eagerly endorsing. Can you describe the contours of that deal?

JJ: The proposal is to create a Palestinian state in Gaza with extensions into the Sinai Desert, to be administered by the Palestinian Authority. The West Bank and Jerusalem are not part of these calculations, although Israel might be willing to give up some areas around Jerusalem that are densely populated with Palestinians.

(This part of the proposal has been floated by extremist Israeli groups even before the Trump proposal.)

They might be willing to remove from Greater Jerusalem areas with high Palestinian density, like Jabal Mukkaber, Isawiya, Silwan, and Sur Bahir. 

There has been some discussion about removing Beit Hanina and Shufat.

The Israelis would retain control of the Jewish settlements and the Old City, which together make up about 87% of the area of East Jerusalem—not exactly a small territory.

IA: What is the Palestinian response to these plans?

JJ:  On the formal political level, the PA is in a crisis. It placed its faith in the US, but now US determination to liquidate the Palestinian cause is very clear.

(The “Palestinian Authority” never placed faith in USA: they had no serious political or financial support alternative from anyone. Those employees, waiting for their monthly paycheck or stipend, just hide their head in the dirt and wished they die before they watch another Nakba)

The only real option remaining to the PA is to cast its lot with the Palestinian people and on free people around the world, international solidarity and movements that support us. The Palestinian people have to make a decision, and so does the PA.

On the popular level, we see serious activity in search of an alternative to the status quo, the largest and the most important of which is taking place now in Gaza with the Great March of Return. These actions are important for a number of reasons. They changed the stereotypes about Gaza as a launchpad for rockets, a place of terrorism that has been hijacked by Hamas.

In fact, the marches in Gaza since March 30 represent a widespread popular movement, massive popular resistance. Just like the first intifada emerged from Jabaliya in the Gaza Strip, today we have the beginnings of a mass civil disobedience movement.

(Note: the First Intifada took place in 1935 against the British mandated power for refusing to organize democratic elections, even in municipality, on the ground that the Jews were minorities. Britain dispatched 100,000 troop to quell this civil disobedience that lasted 3 years and exacted horror torture techniques)

Gaza has a population that is resisting, and Hamas does not control this resistance. The discourse we generally hear, that Hamas is leading people to their death, should be recognized as racist and dehumanizing.

People are not robots. Gazans of all ages, family situations, and economic and educational levels are taking part in these marches to raise their cause to the world.  These people are saying that the siege of Gaza cannot continue. We are human beings, we have rights, and one of those rights is to live like human beings. Gaza is no longer inhabitable.

Gaza has been turned into a prison and a hell. Even the UN acknowledges that. The numbers around Gaza are just astounding.

The Great March has returned focus on the refugee issue and put it squarely on the table despite all the efforts to ignore and erase it. More than 70% of Gaza residents are refugees, and they are demanding the right to return to their original hometowns.

For that reason, the marches in Gaza are very important in defining the trajectory of the Palestinian question and restoring the role of popular resistance to the forefront. They lay the popular foundation for the coming phase. They might also have prevented another massive disaster.

I think Israel was preparing to implement the Trump administration’s proposals; the scenario that the Israelis were planning for was to pull Gaza into a military confrontation, which would justify more intense bombing than it has done in the past.

The borders with Egypt would open, and people would flee into Egypt. But the mass participation in the march thwarted that plan.

IA: I find it hard to understand how Ramallah can be so tranquil considering the carnage in Gaza.

JJ:  It might seem that what is happening in the West Bank is not at all comparable to what is happening in Gaza. And that is true, it isn’t as massive. But actions are taking place in the West Bank, and they are also important.

On a weekly basis people are gathering to protest at the checkpoints.

Since 2011 there have been continuous outbursts (in Arabic, habbat); for example, in Jerusalem in the Bab al-Shams encampment and in the aftermath of the Abu Khdeir and Dawabshe killings (January 2013, July 2014, and July 2015, respectively).*

These outbursts were significant and exemplary, the way Gaza is today. They reminded us of what the Palestinian people are capable of doing. I expect that these outbursts here and there will lead to widespread civil disobedience. Young people in Jerusalem and the West Bank have been going out to checkpoints in the hundreds, on a daily basis, and these conditions put one in the mindset of the first intifada.

We should take note of what Palestinians in Israel are doing as well. There are youth movements that are taking action in ways that are very impressive and a source of pride.  They defy the occupation and they involve large numbers of people, in Haifa and elsewhere.

IA: Let’s look at the relationship of Palestinians to formal political bodies. Recently the Palestinian National Council held its first meeting in 22 years. One might have thought that over the course of more than two decades, several issues and events warranted a meeting – regional events, the assassination of Yasir Arafat, and the status of the Oslo accords come to mind. But the convening of the PNC doesn’t seem to have generated much popular interest.

JJ: People did not pay much attention to it, but in fact they should be talking about it because it poses a threat. Meeting for the first time in 22 years, it did not even discuss what it has done since the last meeting! What it did do is effectively cancel itself, which means it is changing the structure of the PLO. There is an attempt to replace the Central Committee with a body consisting of the private sector, the political currents in the PA today, and elements of the security apparatus. No representation of Palestinians from the 1948 areas, or the diaspora, or even the Palestinian street. This is a threat to the Palestinian project.

The PLO as it has been transformed by Mahmoud Abbas threatens the national cause. It has been hijacked; our task is to restore it as a representative and unifying entity that works to support the Palestinian cause. The reform should be led by Palestinian groups and movements.

People have no confidence in the leadership; they don’t think it is capable of leading in the coming phase.  In fact, the outbursts I referred to earlier had the potential of triggering a third intifada. People were waiting for a leadership to emerge, as happened during the first intifada; three months into the intifada, a unified leadership emerged and took charge. But this time, the PA wasn’t interested in assuming that role; three months into these protests, the PA sent its people to disrupt actions and prevent young people from gathering at checkpoints. The national factions were unable to form a unified leadership for obvious reasons.

IA: What is the alternative?

JJ: People have to create a national movement that can lead the change. What will lead the movement for change will not be a single individual. It will be a widespread national movement that has a real relationship with people on the ground, a movement that will direct the street. This is the only way change will take place. People have been waiting for a long time, but who are we waiting for? There is not going to be a great charismatic leader. We don’t talk about a heroic leader, we talk about a heroic people and a leadership of institutions.

We want a Palestinian state that represents all Palestinians. Within that broad outline, we say that right now, we have to protect the Palestinian project – the right to self-determination, and we all struggle for that right. We don’t have to get into a discussion about the final outcome. The time for the two state solution is clearly over—and in fact, that proposal provided the basis for trying to destroy our cause. The other option is clear. But like I said, we don’t want that discussion to detract from our focus now or to place us in conflict with the position of the PLO.

How do we support the Palestinian project? We have to confront what is happening in Jerusalem, the settlements. There has to be a practical program, not just slogans on paper. Palestinians in the diaspora should support these activities, get involved in the boycott movement, because we are part of that boycott movement.

We are trying to keep the political work and the boycott movement separate to protect the boycott movement, because there is a Palestinian effort underway to weaken the BDS movement; through normalization, by invoking the PLO position. We consider the boycott movement an essential component of our activism.

This is what people are discussing today, here and with our people in the 1948 areas, and in the diaspora. Many meetings have taken place, and they are being expanded. I expect that in the next few weeks there will be a meeting to put in writing some of the agreed upon principles underlying all of these actions. There has to be a movement that preserves the unity of the Palestinian people and protects the national cause from liquidation. That’s what we are working on now.

Notes

* The 2013 encampment known as Bab al-Shams was an attempt by Palestinians to thwart Israeli plans to establish a settlement on land in the E1 zone, between East Jerusalem and the Jewish-only settlement Ma’ale Adumim; the Israeli plan was designed to permanently sever the West Bank from East Jerusalem. Another encampment, Bab al-Karama, was set up in Beit Iksa and stormed by Israeli soldiers two days later.

In July 2014, Israeli settlers in Jerusalem abducted 16-year-old Mohammad Abu Khdeir from Shufat and set him on fire; the ensuing demonstrations resulted in 160 Palestinians injured. Israel’s assault on Gaza began five days later. One year later, settlers set fire to the Dawabshe home in Duma. The soul survivor of the attack was a 4-year-old child; the child’s parents and infant brother were killed. In 2015, a tent encampment, “Gate of Jerusalem,” was set up in Abu Dis to protest the Israeli government’s plans to displace Bedouin communities there.

Beginning in September 2015 and lasting until the end of the year, protests spread from the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem throughout the West Bank; 108 Palestinians were killed and 12,260 were injured.  Palestinians in Israel demonstrated in solidarity.

About Ida Audeh is a Palestinian from the West Bank who lives in Colorado. She is the editor of Birzeit University: The Story of a National Institution, published by Birzeit University in 2010. Other posts by .

Israeli constant Aggression on village of Umm al-Kheir “Mother of Goodness”, a Palestinian Bedouin Community

November 24th, 2017

Eid Suleiman Hathaleen’s job is to locate unexploded mines in the rugged hills in the southern part of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. His life at home is, however, much more stressful.

Eid, thirty-four, lives in Umm al-Kheir, a small Palestinian hamlet south of Hebron.

For years, Umm al-Kheir has been under attack by both the Israeli army and Israeli settlers from the nearby settlement of Carmel. Recently, the situation has worsened considerably.

A House Demolition, 2014

(Just a house demolition? Since 1967, 50,000 homes and Palestinian structures were demolished. Israel is perpetrating incremental genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinias)

“2016 was the worst year in the history of Umm al-Kheir,” Eid says. “They came to demolish our homes 4 times that year alone.”

According to OCHA, Israeli occupation authorities have come to the village for demolitions on twenty separate occasions since 2007. The data shows that since 2011, thirty-two structures have been destroyed.

Some of the demolitions would be ridiculous, if they were not so tragic.

In October 2014, the village’s traditional oven was demolished after a protracted battle that began when an Israeli couple complained that the smoke emanating from the structure was a health hazard to them and their children.

“The settlers laughed when it was demolished,” says Tariq. “The people of Umm al-Kheir offered to turn off the oven, if we could have access to electricity. But that was rejected. We told them that if we had a permit for an oven, we would build a proper one. Again they said no.”

The bread prepared in the oven was a staple of the villagers’ diet. Now, they are forced to buy their bread elsewhere, an expense the impoverished community can ill afford.

Tariq in front of the oven, the settlement Carmel can be seen in the background
Credit: Cody O’Rourke

Tariq’s own family has not been spared from the demolitions. In June 2013, soldiers confiscated a makeshift toilet built for his disabled brother Muhammad, who had previously been urinating and defecating in a river bed.

Tariq’s mother’s house has also been demolished on two occasions; she now lives in a caravan donated by the European Union.

The small metal shack offers only minimal protection from the elements. “These things are like umbrellas,” Tariq says. “It blocks the sun and the rain, but it’s freezing in the winter and hot in the summer.”

Tariq’s brother, Bilal, built his own home in the village. When he came home from work one day in 2014, it was gone. Only the concrete floor remained, as well as the markings that indicated where the walls had stood. It looked like a floorplan.

The remains of Tariq’s house
Credit: Richard Hardigan

Eid has recounted the stories of the demolitions many times, and lists the statistics without much visible emotion.

Only when he talks about his children do his eyes well up. “My daughters suffer so much from the demolitions. I suffer because they suffer,” he says. “Everybody is so afraid. Women. Children. The cloud has covered everybody.”

Eid deals with this persistent violence in an unique way – by making small sculptures. Since he was twelve-years-old, he has used scraps of metal and plastic to build miniature models of jeeps, bulldozers, and helicopters.

He has even exhibited his work internationally. “While in real life, these vehicles represent the oppressive Israeli occupation,” Eid writes on his website, “in my work, I render them back into a constructive element that can be appreciated again for their positive use.”

The Future

There is little doubt the bulldozers are going to arrive at some point again, in the near future.

A map produced by the Israeli human rights organization Bimkom indicates that almost every building in Umm al-Kheir has a pending demolition order.

Map of Umm al-Kheir, showing the pending demolition orders
Credit: Cody O’Rourke

Soldiers arrived recently with the intent, the villagers believe, of selecting homes for demolition.

On October 18, Tariq watched as a truck carrying two bulldozers passed Umm al-Kheir. The Israelis were on their way to the nearby village of Khirbat Halawa, where they demolished two buildings. Even then, the villagers of Umm al-Kheir were still afraid.

“We expected them to come to Umm al-Kheir on their way back,” says Tariq.

To raise awareness about their situation, Tariq and Eid have begun inviting foreign activists to stay in the village overnight. “We know that will not stop the army,” says Tariq, “but hopefully the world will find out what is going on here.”

Even internationals are not safe from the violence of Camel’s settlers, however. In September, they attacked an activist who was protesting their stone-throwing activities, breaking his hand.

Though Umm al-Kheir’s fate is tied up with the settler-colonialism created by the Israeli occupation, and institutionalized by the Oslo Accords, Eid’s focus is on his village. “We don’t care about the Oslo Accords,” he says. “We only care about the daily life. Just leave my land alone.”

[1] Ben Ehrenreich, The Way to the Spring: Life and Death in Palestine, (New York: Penguin, 2016).

Stopping PB in Egypt

We recently visited a small Egyptian town, Idku lies just east of Alexandria, that fought off plans by giant BP to build a gas terminal on its land as part of an $11 billion project.

After a year of delays, the oil company was forced to re-route its proposed pipeline and processing plant.

Mika posted on June 25, 2013:

Idku, where the Nile Delta meets the Mediterranean.

We met a number of local activists, farmers and fisher folk, who explained that Idku’s land and water has for years suffered from pollution by both nearby sewage canals and the existing BG/Rashpetco’s LNG export plant.

Liquefied natural gas is exported from Idku to East Asia and Europe.

BP, having drilled for oil in the deep waters of the North Alexandria block, wanted to build yet another new gas plant on Idku’s beach.

This is part of a larger $11 billion project (62% owned by BP and 38% by German RWE), including sub-sea pipelines, oil platforms and the gas terminal itself.

But the community was tired of their sea being polluted by large corporations. Emboldened by the ongoing revolution that also enable them to organise more publicly, local activists mobilised against BP’s plans.

(I’m worried of what oil production in Lebanon will do to our already polluted seashore)

An enormous popular street assembly against BP's plans in Idku

An enormous popular street assembly against BP’s plans in Idku

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“No to BP” painted in English & Arabic on a road block. Photo by Nadine Marroushi

"Lift your head up high - you're Egyptian - No to BP"

“Lift your head up high – you’re Egyptian – No to BP”

From 2011 onwards, graffiti appeared around the town on walls, lamp-posts and houses, combining revolutionary chants with anti-BP slogans and demands to save Idku’s environment.

Banners were draped across the roads. Popular assemblies in the street gathered outrage and gave space for local residents to speak out.

Local activists researched BP’s activities elsewhere, gathering evidence of abuses and pollution elsewhere and warning that the company could cause a disastrous spill like it had in the Gulf of Mexico, in the deep waters north of Egypt.

Facebook groups were used to share updates within Idku and connect with activists elsewhere.

Many in the local community felt that pollution by Rashpetco and BG had caused fish death and ruined their agricultural land and joined the opposition to BP’s plans.

Protests included a symbolic funeral procession and a sit-in occupation at BP’s proposed construction site in late 2011. The main “International Highway” road was blocked, and BP’s Idku office raided and computers confiscated.

march_BP_banner_2

A banner from Idku’s farmers rejects BP’s plans

march_BP_banner

A banner against BP stretches across the road

march_coffin

A symbolic coffin is carried, with the words “No to the death of life on Idku’s land”

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A truck full of Idku residents heads to the construction site to protest

The consistent protests forced the governor of Beheira to back local demands, and imposed delay after delay onto BP. After 18 months of postponing work, BP conceded to the pressure and agreed not to build the gas terminal in Idku.

Idku’s victory shows that even small communities, far from the media spotlight of Tahrir – can win against major odds.

By protesting and taking action, local residents stopped a multi-billion project and protected their local environment, health and land.

BP, ever resourceful, has found a way to continue its larger plans – moving the gas terminal further east along the coast, into the neighbouring governate of Kfar Sheikh.

It is now facing repeated protests from nearby villagers there. They join the communities in Damietta fighting the MOPCO fertiliser factory, Dabaa opposing a nuclear power plant and the people of Idku in their continued struggle versus BG. All across Egypt, people are fighting for environmental justice.

Idku protestors opposing BP’s plans for a gas terminal take to the beach. BG’s LNG export plant is in the background

– See more at: http://platformlondon.org/2013/06/25/winning-against-the-odds-how-an-egyptian-community-stopped-bp-in-its-tracks/#sthash.5b0hqFGS.dpuf


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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