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US Slaughter Of Syrian Troops Risks World War 3

Sean Adl-Tabatabai. Editor-in-chief at Your News Wire

US warplanes and artillery batteries carried out the massacre in the northeastern province of Deir Ezzor Wednesday. reports: The Syrian government denounced the attack as a “war crime” and “direct support to terrorism,” insisting that its forces came under US attack as they were carrying out an operation against Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) elements between the villages of Khasham and al-Tabiya on the eastern side of the Euphrates River.

While the Pentagon proudly claimed to have killed 100 pro-government fighters, Damascus allowed that the US strikes claimed “the lives of dozens, injuring many others and causing massive damage in the area.”

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, meanwhile, said it had confirmed only 20 dead among the pro-government forces.

Whatever the precise number of casualties—the Pentagon’s figures are suspect given that the bombings and artillery barrages were not followed up by any ground attack—the incident marks a major escalation of US aggression against Syria, eclipsing the firing of 59 US cruise missiles last April in response to an unsubstantiated allegation of a chemical weapons attack in Idlib province.

The only previous US attack resulting in comparable bloodshed was the September 17, 2016 US airstrike against a Syrian army position near the Deir Ezzor airport, which killed 62 soldiers and wounded some 100 more. The Pentagon claimed that attack was the result of an “unintentional, regrettable error.”

This time around, the US military said that it was exercising its “inherent right of self-defense” in attacking the forces of a government whose territory American troops are occupying without either its consent or any mandate from the United Nations.

The official story from the Pentagon is that a column of 500 pro-government fighters, including tanks and artillery, had attempted to take control of territory east of the Euphrates River that had been seized by the so-called Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the US proxy ground force that is overwhelmingly dominated by the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia.

It accused the government forces of launching “an unprovoked attack on a well-established SDF position,” where US Special Forces “advisors” who direct the Kurdish fighters were deployed.

Pentagon officials speaking on condition of anonymity told the media that they believed Russian military contractors operating with the Syrian government forces were among the dead.

The Russian Defense Ministry reported that it had no military personnel in the area. It also said it was aware only of 25 Syrian militia members having been wounded in the US strikes.

Russia’s Defense Ministry added in a statement that the American attack once “again showed that the US is maintaining its illegal presence in Syria not to fight the Daesh group [ISIS], but to seize and hold Syrian economic assets.”

The area where the fighting took place is a center of Syria’s oil and gas fields.

The village of al-Tabiya is the site of the Conoco gas plant, which was previously run by ConocoPhillips until the energy corporation turned it over to the Syrian government in 2005. After the area fell under ISIS control, the Islamist militia used gas and oil exports to secure much of its financing.

Washington is determined to deny the Syrian government control over these resources and to that end has sought to carve out a US zone of control covering roughly 30 percent of the country, while cutting off its borders with Turkey and Iraq.

Russia’s Foreign Ministry raised pointed questions about the US version of events, particularly the vast disparity between the claim of 100 Syrian government troops killed and, on the other side, a total of one SDF fighter wounded.

“First of all, how could a 500-strong unit attack a headquarters with tank and artillery support and, as a result, inflict an injury on one counter-attacker?” asked Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova. “How could those who were in that headquarters remain in those conditions for the half hour or more needed to call in and ensure air support?”

“How, within such a short period of time, could a decision have been made to open massive fire for effect on Syrian armed forces?” she continued. “To clarify all these questions, and to get a full picture of what happened, relevant information is now being gathered, both through our military experts and through the Foreign Ministry.”

Despite the words of protest from Moscow, the Pentagon reported that it had used its “deconfliction line” with the Russian military to provide advance notice of its strike on the Syrian government forces and remained in contact during and after the attack.

“We had a very productive conversation,” said Pentagon spokesperson Dana White. “…we told them, they knew what was happening. They agreed not to attack Coalition forces. So, from that respect, it was successful.”

The attack on Deir Ezzor is part of a steady ratcheting up of the multisided conflict in Syria, provoked overwhelmingly by Washington’s announced decision to maintain a permanent US military occupation of the country and pursue a “post-ISIS” policy centered on the original US objectives of Syrian regime change and rolling back Iranian and Russian influence in the region. Until launching the anti-ISIS campaign in 2014, Washington had sought the ouster of the government of President Bashar al-Assad by means of supporting and arming the Al Qaeda-linked militias out of which ISIS itself emerged. This sparked the bloody seven-year-long war that has claimed the lives of some 350,000 Syrians, while displacing millions of others.

Since invading the country over three years ago, the US military has relied primarily on the Kurdish YPG as its proxy ground force, but it also continues to arm and train Islamist militia groups.

During the US-backed siege of Raqqa and other formerly ISIS-occupied towns, the US military and its Kurdish proxies organized the evacuation of large numbers of ISIS fighters and their redeployment to Deir Ezzor in order to turn them against the Syrian government forces advancing on the province’s strategically vital oil and gas fields.

To the west, the Turkish invasion of the Kurdish-controlled enclave of Afrin, which came in response to US plans to organize a 30,000-strong “border security force” based largely on the Kurdish YPG and create what Ankara sees as a de facto Kurdish state on its border, threatens to escalate into a direct conflict between the US and Turkey, ostensible NATO allies.

On Wednesday, the top US commander in Syria and Iraq, Lt. Gen. Paul Funk, visited Manbij, the Syrian city on the western side of the Euphrates that has been occupied by the YPG and its US Special Forces handlers. The visit came just one day after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan demanded that the American forces withdraw from Manbij, vowing that the Turkish military would extend its offensive into the city.

Asked if he was worried about the Turkish threat, Gen. Funk responded, “It’s not in my job description to worry; my job is to fight.”

Meanwhile, both the US and French governments have issued condemnations of Damascus over bombings in Idlib province and Eastern Ghouta, as well as unverified allegations of using chlorine gas against civilian populations. The State Department issued a statement saying that the bombings “must stop now.”

The hypocritical Western media, which went largely silent as the US killed tens of thousands of civilians and razed entire cities to the ground in last year’s sieges of Mosul in Iraq and Raqqa in Syria, has suddenly woken up to report the civilian casualties resulting from the bombardments by Syrian and Russian warplanes.

Once again they are churning out propaganda to prepare for a military escalation that has the potential of triggering a direct military confrontation between the world’s two major nuclear powers, the US and Russia.


This was Beirut before the civil war in 1975

Before 1975, the tiny city of Beirut enjoyed more varieties for tourists and fair affordable life-style for the citizens than many current megalopolis. The dollars was for 2 LL and I could attend theaters, movies and eat for barely a single $ during the entire day

منذ ما قبل الإستقلال حتى العام 75صنع البيارتة مسلمين ومسيحيين مدينة نموذجية… فيها ارقى المدارس والجامعات… واكبر الشركات… وأجمل المنتجعات والفنادق… والمراكز السياحية…

واروع الشوارع وانظفها واكثرها اناقة من التباريس الى شارع سرسق… الى البسطة حيث عاشت نجاح سلام ومحمد سلمان وحسن علاء الدين شوشو… وفي نفس منزله عاشت الممثلة بدور…

فالمصيطبة صائب سلام… وزقاق البلاط حيث ولدت وترعرعت فيروز …
وشارع حمد والجميزة والمزرعة وغيرها …

كان لكل شارع موهبته وشخصيته الخاصة الجميلة المحببة والملفتة…
وفيها تعايش كل الأديان والمذاهب والثقافات والحضارات سنة وشيعة ودروز ويهود وموارنة وروم وغيرهم بفطرة وتلقائية وعفوية وبدون مظاهر وتظاهر…

وتعاظمت السياحة فلم يبق سائح عربي او اجنبي الا وزارها مندهشا غير مصدق مما يراه…
وأذكر تماما وقوفهم متأملين مندهشين بسطات سوق الفرنج اول سوق اياس… وكيف تتواجد فيها جميع الفواكه الموسمية وغير الموسمية… وعند بركة العنتبلي لما تحويه من اطايب ملونة بجميع الالوان..

كذلك مسابح السان سيمون… والسان ميشال.. والفينيسيا والسان جورج… والكوت دازور وخلدة … ومطعم يلدزلار حيث تجد مازة من 45 صحن بسعر 42 ليرة….

وكثر فيها السواح عربا حيث كانت تبدو كأنها جدة او الكويت او الامارات وحتى اجانب المان وهولنديين وسويديين وانكليز واميركان وفرنسيين… لا يصدقون ما يرون..

فكانوا يشعرون انهم في جنة…. وليس في مدينة صنعها مجموعة من اهلها الطيبين حيث كانت الكنيسة والجامع احباب واصحاب وجيران والجار يحب جاره…

والناس تتكافل اجتماعيا وماديا بفطرة وغريزة وفروسية قل مثيلها…
ويذكر كبار السن ان صاحب الحظ والميسور كان يسكن بنايات الصادق قرب المدينة الرياضية…
فسكنها وزراء واثرياء ودكاترة الجامعات واطباء…

وكانت النساء تخرج قبل الغروب تغسل الرصيف قرب منزلها وتعبق الشوارع برائحة الياسمين والفل….
هذه بيروت الجمال…
بيروت الثقافة…
بيروت … التياترو الكبير
بيروت…الصمدي والبحصلي والعريسي….
بيروت العيش الفطري البريء…
بيروت درة الشرق وسويسرا الشرق عن حق…
بيروت الجامعة والمدرسة والثقافة والعلم والادبيات والعادات الحضارية …

بيروت الدولار بليرتين وربع.
بيروت … تعا كيس
بيروت قهوة الحاج داوود والبحري….
بيروت…. مرحبا جار يسعد صباحك…
بيروت … الله يرزقك خيي بحسنة عيلتك….
بيروت… كيفك حبيبي سلم على بابا يا عمي….
بيروت… خللي عنك عمو انا بحمل الاكياس عنك وبساعدك…
بيروت … غض النظر…

بيروت… افساح الطريق للمارة…
بيروت …. انا استفتتحت يرضى عليك روح اشتري من عند جاري بعد مااستفتح….
بيروت .. صباحا…

يا فتاح يا عليم يا رزاق يا كريم…
بيروت …. توزيع الزكاة سرا ومساعدة المحتاج طوعا….
بيروت …. توكلنا على الله…
بيروت … الأركيلة والمفتقة واربعة ايوب…

بيروت…الزيارت وصلة الرحم والاحتفال بالاعياد والخرجية وزيارة الكبير والقريب والعم والخال والعمة والخالة ….
بيروت… شارع الحمراء والمثقفين والقهوة والجريدة….
بيروت ملجأ كل مظلوم ببلده….

بيروت … الحرية المسؤولة والصحافة الرصينة….
بيروت … نزار قباني… ويا ست الدنيا يا بيروت…
يا ست الدنيا يا بيروت….

The crimes of 1948: Jewish fighters speak out

“The most ferocious Jewish terrorists on Palestinian civilians were those who had escaped the Nazi camps”.


Thomas Vescovi. Thursday 28 June 2018 13:08 UTC

More than 60 years after these events, the combatants express little remorse: the territory needed to be liberated to found the Jewish state and there was no room for “Arabs” (Meaning Palestinians)

For the Israelis, 1948 represents the high point of the Zionist project, a major chapter in the Israeli national narrative when the Jews became masters of their own fate and, above all, succeeded in realising the utopia formulated 50 years earlier by Theodor Herzl – the construction, in Palestine, of a state of refuge for the “Jewish people”.

(This utopia was the concept of the USA “Christian” Evangelists, 50 years prior to Herzl ideology: They believed the Second Coming will take place only when the Jews occupy Jerusalem)

For the Palestinians, 1948 symbolises the advent of the colonial process that dispossessed them of their land and their right to sovereignty – known as the “Nakba” (catastrophe, in Arabic).

In theory, Israeli and Palestinian populations disagree over the events of 1948 that drove 805,000 Palestinians into forced exile. However, in practice, Jewish fighters testified early on to the crimes of which they perhaps played accomplice, or even perpetrator.

Dissonant voices

Through various channels, a number of Israelis would testify to the events of the day, as early as 1948.

At the time of the conflict, a number of Zionist leaders questioned the movement’s authorities on the treatment of Arab populations in Palestine, which they considered unworthy of the values the Jewish fighters claimed to defend. Others took notes hoping to testify once the violence had stopped.

Yosef Nahmani, a senior officer of the Haganah, the armed force of the Jewish Agency that would become the Army of Defense for Israel, wrote in his diary on 6 November 1948:

“In Safsaf, after the inhabitants had hoisted the white flag, [the soldiers] gathered the men and women into separate groups, bound the hands of fifty or sixty villagers, shot them, then buried them all in the same pit. They also raped several women from the village. Where did they learn such behaviour, as cruel as that of the Nazis? […] One officer told me that the most ferocious were those who had escaped the camps.”

During the conflict, a number of Zionist leaders questioned the movement’s authorities on the treatment of Arab populations in Palestine, which they considered unworthy of the values the Jewish fighters claimed to defend

The truth is, once the war was over, the narrative of the victors alone was heard, with Israeli civil society facing a number of far more urgent challenges than that of the plight of the Palestinian refugees. People who wanted to recount the events of the day had to turn to fiction and literature.

,In 1949, the Israeli writer and politician, Yizhar Smilansky published the novella Khirbet Khizeh, in which he described the expulsion of an eponymous Arab village. But according to the author, there was no need to feel remorse about that particular chapter of history. The “dirty work” was as a necessary part of building the Jewish state. His testimony reflects, instead, a kind of atonement for past sins. By acknowledging wrongs and unveiling them, one is able to cast off the burden of guilt.

The novel became a bestseller and was made into a TV film in 1977. Its release provoked heated debate since it called into question the Israeli narrative claiming the Palestinian populations had left their lands voluntarily to avoid living alongside Jews.

A squad of Jewish fighters during the Nakba. Photo from the TV drama, Khirbet Khizeh, based on the eponymous novella (Wikipedia)

Other works were published but few as realistic as Netiva Ben-Yehuda’s trilogy, The Palmach Trilogy, published in 1984, recounting the events of a three-month period in 1948.

A commander in the Palmach, the elite fighting force of the Haganah, she evokes the abuses and acts of violence perpetrated against Arab inhabitants and provides details of the massacre at Ein al Zeitun, which took place around 1 May 1948.

The Deir Yassin massacre

On 4 April 1972, Colonel Meir Pilavski, a former Palmach fighter, was interviewed by Yediot Aharonot, one of Israel’s three largest daily papers, on the Deir Yassin massacre of 9 April 1948, in which nearly 120 civilians lost their lives.

His troops, he claims, were in the vicinity at the time of the attacks, but were advised to withdraw when it became clear the operations were being led by the extremist paramilitary forces, Irgun and Stern, which had broken away from the Haganah.

From then on, the debate would focus on the events at Deir Yassin, to the point of forgetting the nearly 70 other massacres of Arab civilians that took place. The stakes were high for the Zionist left: responsibility for the massacres would be placed on groups of ultras.

The debate would focus on the events of Deir Yassin, to the point of forgetting the nearly 70 other massacres of Arab civilians that took place

In 1987, when the first works of a group of historians known as the Israeli “new historians” appeared, including those of Ilan Pappé, a considerable part of the Jewish battalions of 1948 were called into question. For those who had remained silent in recent decades, the time had come to speak out.

Part of Israeli society seemed ready to listen as well. Within the context of the First Palestinian Intifada and the pre-Oslo negotiations, pacifist circles were ready to question Israeli society on its national narrative and its relationship to non-Jewish communities.

These attempts at dialogue ended suddenly with the outbreak of the Second Intifada, which was more militarised and took place in the aftermath of the failed Camp David talks and the breakdown of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. The Katz controversy would perfectly embody the new dynamic.

The Katz controversy

In 1985, a 60-year-old kibbutznik, Teddy Katz, decided to resume his studies and enrolled in a historical research programme under the direction of Ilan Pappé at the University of Haifa. He wanted to shed light on the events that took place in five Palestinian villages, deserted in 1948.

He conducted 135 interviews with Jewish fighters, 64 of which focused on the atrocity that allegedly took place in the village of Tantura, cleared of 1,200 inhabitants on 23 May 1948 by Palmach forces.

After two years of research, Katz states in his work that between 85 and 110 men were ruthlessly shot dead on Tantura beach, after digging their own graves. The massacre would then continue in the village, one house at a time, and a man hunt was played out in the streets.

The killing only stopped when Jewish inhabitants from the neighbouring village of Zikhron Yaakov intervened. More than 230 people were murdered.

Ilan Pappé: “The Nakba, the observation of a crime, ignored but not forgotten

In January 2000, a journalist from daily Maariv newspaper decided to talk to some of the witnesses mentioned by Katz. The main witness, Bentzion Fridan, a commander for the Palmach forces present in Tantura, denied the whole story point blank, then filed a complaint, along with other senior officers, against Katz, who found himself forced to face a dozen lawyers determined to defend the honour of the nation’s “heroes”.

Under pressure from the media – who were calling him a “collaborator” and were only covering his accusers’ version of the facts – and the courts, he agreed to sign a document acknowledging he had falsified their statements. Though he withdrew his acknowledgement a few hours later and had the backing of a university commission, the legal proceedings were over.

With the collapse of the Oslo Accords, the return to power of the Likud, the failure of the Camp David Accords and the Taba Summit, the Second Intifada and the kamikaze attacks, Israeli pacifists were no longer interested in the Palestinian version of 1948. Indeed, most were too busy falling into rank to escape the repercussions of the country’s increasingly conservative social order.

Testifying for posterity

In 2005, the filmmaker Eyal Sivan and the Israeli NGO Zochrot developed the project Towards a Common Archive aiming to gather testimonies from the Jewish soldiers of 1948. More than 30 agreed to testify on the events of those days which had been subject to such conflicting accounts.

Why had fighters now agreed to testify, a mere few years later? According to Pappé, the scientific director of the project, for three reasons.

They did all agree on the necessity, in 1948, of forcing Arab populations into exile in order to build the State of Israel

First, most were approaching the end of their lives and were no longer afraid of speaking out.

Second, the former fighters had fought for an ideal that had deteriorated with the rise in Israel of religious circles and the far right, as well as the neoliberal electroshock imposed by Netanyahu during his successive mandates.

Third, they were convinced that sooner or later the younger generations would discover the truth of the Palestinian refugees, and they believed it was their duty to pass on the knowledge of the disturbing events.

The testimonies are Not identical across the board.

Some fighters went into great detail, whereas others did not wish to address certain topics. Nevertheless, they did all agree on the necessity, in 1948, of forcing Arab populations into exile in order to build the State of Israel, though their views differed at times on the usefulness of firing on civilians.

All claim to have received specific orders concerning the razing of Arab villages, however, to prevent the exiled populations’ return.

The villages were “cleaned out” methodically.

As they approached the site, soldiers would fire or launch grenades to frighten the local populations. In most cases, such actions were enough to drive the inhabitants away. Sometimes, a house or two had to be blown up at the entrance of a village to force the few recalcitrant inhabitants to flee.

As for the massacres, for some, the acts were merely part of the “cleansing” operations, since the leaders of the Zionist movement had authorised them to “cross this line”, in certain cases.

The “line” was systematically crossed when inhabitants refused to leave, put up resistance, or even fought back.

No remorse

In Lod, more than 100 people took refuge in the mosque, believing rumours that Jewish fighters would not attack places of worship. A rocket launcher destroyed their shelter, which collapsed on them. Their bodies were burned.

For others, the leaders Yigal Allon, of the Palmach, and David Ben Gurion, of the Jewish Agency, reportedly opposed the shooting of civilians, ordering forces to first let them go and then to destroy the homes.

The combatants also testify to a contrasting Palestinian response. In most cases, they seemed “frightened” and overwhelmed by the events, hastening to join the flow of refugees. Some Arabs begged the soldiers not to “do to them what they did in Deir Yassin”.

Other inhabitants seemed convinced they would be able to return home at the end of the fighting. One witness spoke of residents of the village of Bayt Naqquba who left the key to their houses with Jewish neighbours in the Kiryat-Avanim kibbutz, with whom they were on good terms, so the latter could ensure that nothing was looted.

Good Jewish-Arab relations come up regularly, and few witnesses speak of being on bad terms with their neighbours before the beginning of the war.

During an eviction around Beersheba, Palestinian peasants came to ask for help from the inhabitants of the neighbouring kibbutz, who did not hesitate to intervene and denounce the actions of Zionist soldiers.

More than 60 years after these events, the combatants expressed little or No remorse.

According to them, it was necessary to liberate the territory promised by the UN in order to found the Jewish state, and this meant there was no room for Arabs in the national landscape.

– Thomas Vescovi is a teacher and a researcher in contemporary history. He is the author of Bienvenue en Palestine (Kairos, 2014) and La Mémoire de la Nakba en Israël (L’Harmattan, 2015).


“Nakba’s harvest of sorrow: We will be back, grandmother 

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Photo: On 12 May 1948, members of the Haganah escort Palestinians expelled from Haifa after Jewish forces took control of its port on 22 April (AFP).

This article originally appeared in French.

Israel’s occupation mindset and lust to kill has to be ended

Activists stage a rally condemning the Israeli violence at the Gaza Strip’s eastern border in Brooklyn, New York, United States on 14 May, 2018 [Mohammed Elshamy/Anadolu Agency]

Activists stage a rally condemning the Israeli violence at the Gaza Strip’s eastern border in New York, US on 14 May, 2018 [Mohammed Elshamy/Anadolu Agency

The history of the Palestinian cause since the 1948 Nakba has been linked to a lengthy list of legal and moral violations against innocent people; a lot of their blood has been spilt.

This has produced the greatest level of human suffering of modern times, to which the international powers have contributed by harnessing the law in favour of rogue terrorist gangs.

Having such powers behind them, those gangs were able to establish a country upon the remnants of a peaceful population of an ancient civilisation reflected in their land, identity and culture.

The rest of the indigenous people (Palestinians) were driven off the land at gunpoint, in a stark example of what we now call ethnic cleansing.

This is the first time in modern politics that we have ever witnessed such a “surrogate” state, which uprooted the existing population and has sought ever since to eradicate their existence and history.

Israel has lived up to its stated intent to be an “outpost of [Western] civilisation against barbarism” having been planted in a region which shares the faiths, language and general culture of the Palestinians.

In order to accomplish the international conspiracy and criminal intent of this “surrogate” state, the process has been carried out regardless of the history and culture of the land in which it was established, against the wishes of the indigenous population it must be said. Since taking over 78 per cent of historic Palestine, the occupation state has shredded the remaining land, “in a way that prevents the achievement of its unity, and the construction of its independent political entity.”

READ: Reporters Without Borders asks ICC to investigate Israel war crimes against journalists

Israel was built upon the terrorism of Zionist militias who held no red lines as sacred and proceeded to kill, displace and plunder the people and their resources.

For the past 70 years, Israeli governments have continued in the same vein, preventing — by force when deemed necessary — the Palestinians from leading a peaceful and dignified life in their own land.

In doing so, the occupation authorities have trampled on international laws and conventions, claiming an unprecedented degree of exceptionalism that allows Israel to act with impunity. Its war crimes and crimes against humanity continue to go unpunished; in this, its international backers in Washington, London and other Western capitals are complicit.

The 70th anniversary of the Nakba – Cartoon [Sabaaneh/MiddleEastMonitor]

The establishment of the State of Israel was accompanied by systematic massacres in order to empty the land of its existing inhabitants.

The massacre of Balad Al-Shaykh in 1948, for example, saw 600 Palestinians killed, most of them women and children; their corpses were found in their homes.

The well-known massacre of Deir Yassin, also in 1948, reflected the extent to which the sanctity of human life was disregarded by the Zionist terrorists, and demonstrated their criminality and inherent hatred for the local people.

Estimates differ of the number of casualties, but the International Red Cross reported that 150 corpses were found in one cistern alone, apart from the bodies on the streets, some of which had been badly mutilated.

As was the case across Palestine, when the people were killed or driven out of their homes, whole villages were then demolished and wiped off the map.

Massacres by Israeli troops continued throughout 1948 and beyond. The village of Abu Shusha was “depopulated” the day before Israel was created, while Tantura was attacked by the nascent Israel Defence Forces (IDF) 10 days later, with dozens of the local people killed and hundreds more forced out of their homes. Similar attacks on Palestinians took place in Qabiya in 1953, and Qalqilya, Kafr Qasim and Khan Yunus in 1956, to name but a few.

The whole history of Israel’s occupation of Palestine is filled with massacres of the Palestinian people. In part, this is because the state ideology, Zionism, requires as much of the land to be taken as possible, with as few Arabs on it as possible, so that Jewish settlers can be moved in to colonise the occupied territories.

Those Palestinians who stayed behind and refused to move off their land have faced systematic attacks over the decades, by the forces of the state as well as illegal settlers.

In 1990, a Jewish group calling itself the Temple Mount Faithful went to lay a cornerstone in the Noble Sanctuary of Al-Aqsa, where the group hopes one day to build a temple on the ruins of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock Mosque. Protected — as such incursions continue to be — by Israeli security forces, the settlers were met by Palestinian worshippers, 20 of whom were killed in the confrontation, with 150 more wounded.

The Ibrahimi Mosque was attacked by a lone gunman wearing his IDF uniform in February 1994; settler Baruch Goldstein shot and killed 29 Palestinians as they prayed in the mosque and injured dozens more. In 2002, the IDF surrounded the Jenin Refugee Camp before attacking the inhabitants. More than 50 Palestinians were killed, along with a number of Israel soldiers. Early claims put the number of those killed in the hundreds.

These massacres are well known, but are not the only Israeli crimes. What has been called “Jewish terrorism” was killing Palestinians (and British Mandate personnel, by the way) in the decade before the establishment of the state of Israel. Terrorist groups such as the Irgun and Stern Gang are infamous for their crimes. An estimated 7,000 Palestinians are believed to have been killed by such gangs.

Explained: The Nakba 70 years on

Furthermore, Israel has not been content with attacking and killing Palestinians in the occupied territories alone. Its armed forces and agents have killed Palestinian individuals around the world, and facilitated the massacre of civilians in the Sabra and Shatila Refugee Camps in Beirut in 1982.

Up to 3,500 Palestinian women, children and elderly people were slaughtered by a Lebanese Christian militia let into the camps by the IDF. Israeli soldiers actually lit the scene with flares and stood by while the massacre ensued. The victims lay in the streets for several days because the killers closed the entrances of the camps until they finished their crime. As on other occasions, bodies were mutilated and personal belongings were stolen.

The Israeli mindset appears to be one of territorial conquest and bloodlust. The IDF shows no mercy, even when the Palestinians protest against their virtual imprisonment by the occupation.

In 1987, when the First Intifada (Uprising) erupted, stone-throwing youths were met with live ammunition and rubber-coated steel bullets; if caught, they often had their arms and legs broken by the Israeli troops. When the Second Intifada broke out in 2000 in response to Israel’s assassination of key Palestinian individuals and other violations, the occupation security forces shed the blood of more than 4,000 people; a further 38,000 were wounded.

Nakba journey - Palestinians fleeing during the Nakba in 1948
More than 1 million Palestinians were displaced in 1948
Relive the journey of Nakba refugees

The Third Intifada began as a wave of protests by Palestinian youths in response to the criminal acts of the occupation authorities and extremist settler groups, the most notorious of which was the 2015 Duma arson attack against the house of the Dawabsheh family in Nablus. Most of the family were burnt alive, including an 18-month-old baby, Ali. A year earlier, in July 2014, 16-year-old Mohammed Abu Khdeir was burnt alive by Jewish settlers in Jerusalem.

11-year-old Gazaian Abdurrahman Nevfel (R), who lost his leg after Israeli soldiers opened fire on "Great March of Returns" demonstrations at Gaza Strip, is seen with his crutch in Gaza City, Gaza on 12 May, 2018 [Ali Jadallah/Anadolu Agency]

11-year-old Gazaian Abdurrahman Nevfel (R), who lost his leg after Israeli soldiers opened fire on “Great March of Returns” demonstrations at Gaza Strip, is seen with his crutch in Gaza City, Gaza on 12 May, 2018 [Ali Jadallah/Anadolu Agency]

CCTV and the cameras of human rights groups have recorded the cold-blooded killing of young Palestinians on the pretext that they were trying to stab soldiers and police officers. The evidence in many of the cases, though, suggests that these claims were false and the victims were actually unarmed. In one case, the victim was already seriously wounded and motionless on the ground when a soldier approached and shot

him in the head, killing him instantly. The soldier in question served just nine months in prison for manslaughter.

Since 2008, Israel has launched three major military offensives on the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, killing thousands in the process, including hundreds of children. Military incursions occur on a regular basis, often for no reason other than that the IDF can do what it wants to do, when it wants to do it. Israel has also imposed an immoral and illegal siege on Gaza for 12 years, an act of collective punishment that is a crime against humanity.

Human rights organisations agree that these are acts of genocide, with whole families wiped out and buried in the rubble of their homes.

Gaza’s infrastructure was already weakened by the siege when the Israeli offensives destroyed much of it altogether. The IDF killing machine did not distinguish between combatants and civilians. The statistics collated by international organisations confirm that the majority of the victims in Israel’s 2008/9, 2012 and 2014 offensives were civilians including elderly people, children and women.

READ: Gaza death toll rises to 61

Israel’s contempt for international law and human life has been witnessed again this week, with snipers shooting dead more than 60 Palestinians demonstrating for their legitimate right to return to their land within Israel. Since the Great March of Return protest started last month, more than 100 Palestinians have been killed by the Israelis — many of them shot in the back, hundreds of metres from the border fence and posing no risk to anyone — while thousands more have been wounded, often in life-changing ways.

This lust for killing is appalling, and has been condemned by the international community, although to their shame the US and others have sought to shift the blame onto the Palestinians themselves. The sight of Israeli soldiers and civilians celebrating and cheering whenever another Palestinian fell to the ground mortally wounded is sickening. Such behaviour can only be fuelled by their racism and hatred of all things Palestinian, Arab, Islamic and Christian.

Such is the demonic nature of the Zionist mindset, which rejects the Other, especially when that Other is a Palestinian standing up for his or her rights. The tyranny of the Israeli occupation of Palestine is unacceptable in the 21st Century and should be both condemned and ended by right-minded people the world over.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Liban/Patrimoine: Le château croisé de Byblos ou de Gibelet

Par François El Bacha – 6 juillet 2018

Situé dans le périmètre du site archéologique, se trouve l’imposant Château croisé de Byblos, également appelé dans les chroniques anciennes Château de Gibelet (ou Giblet) au pied de la vieille ville.

Cette forteresse sera bâti par les Croisés au XIIème siècle, pour être encore plus précis à partir de 1104 sur des fondations d’une forteresse fatamide, elle-même construite sur des ruines phéniciennes et romaines.

Nous pouvons encore apercevoir ses fondations comportant des fûts de colonnes antiques inclus dans les murs. Il ne s’agit pas de la première structure défensive construite sur le site. En effet, le site archéologique comporte déjà plusieurs remparts dont certains construits en – 2 500 avant JcC à droite quand on rentre dans le Château.

Il existe également une forteresse Perse occupée de – 555 avant Jc à – 333 avant Jc.

Les structures du Château de Byblos Des structures du Château, on peut voir une vue sur la ville de Byblos classée au Patrimoine Mondial de l’Humanité depuis 1984.

Il s’agit de l’une des villes les plus vieilles au Monde en terme d’habitation continue. Les estimations actuelles indiquent que ce site serait occupé par l’Homme depuis 7 000 avant JC.

Le nom de Bible vient également de Byblos. D’autre part, le site offre également une vue imprenable sur la Mer Méditerranée et surtout de son port médiéval qui fut l’un des plus importants de son temps.

La dimension stratégique de cette position apparait dès lors. Elle était d’autant plus stratégique que située entre le Comté de Tripoli et la Seigneurie de Beyrouth.

Le Château croisé mélange 2 styles défensifs, le type Castrum et le type Turris avec un imposant donjon central carré de 18m par 22 m de côté, avec des murs atteignant 4m d’épaisseur, qui servait de résidence au seigneur des lieux et de dernier refuge aux assiégés en cas d’attaque.

La forteresse est entourée de douves. On pénètre dans l’enceinte du Château après avoir franchi une sorte de pont, par une porte équipée d’une herse coulissante et des mâchicoulis servaient à sa protection.

Quatre tours crénelées, placées aux angles et reliées par des courtines percées d’archères constituent la deuxième ligne de défense.

Une cinquième tour, ou saillant, se détache entre les deux tours nord. Il s’agit du Donjon central avec une grande salle dont certains murs présentent encore des graffiti d’époque.

Sur les murs du donjon, on retrouve quelques boulets tirés par les britanniques sur la garnison ottomane en 1841. Récemment, un petit musée a été aménagé dans ses salles intérieures. Il regroupe des pièces des différentes époques historiques du site archéologique. Voir la galerie photo L’Histoire du Château La construction du Château de Byblos fut décidée par la famille génoise Embriaco, qui étaient alors les seigneurs de Gibelet.

En 1188, Saladin captura la ville et le château et démantela ses murs en 1190. Plus tard, les Croisés reprirent la ville et reconstruisirent le château en 1197.

Les Croisées abandonnèrent la ville et le Château de manière pacifique, en raison de la pression maintenue par les Ayyoubides en 1302. Eux même seront ensuite remplacés par les Mamelouks.

À noter qu’en 1369, des navires chypriotes venus de Famagusta tenteront de le prendre. En 1516, suite à la bataille de Marj-Dabek, les Ottomans s’emparent de la ville.

Leur règne durera quatre siècles. Ils placeront dans l’enceinte du Château une garnison. Vue aérienne du site archéologique de Byblos À l’issue de la Première Guerre Mondiale, dès les années 1920, Byblos devenant une importante zone d’étude archéologique, le Château sera intégré au site comprenant la nécropole royale, les différents temples et artefacts.

Aux côtés du Château, d’autres structures médiévales existent, notamment le rempart médiéval entourant la vielle ville, le port et ses 2 tours à l’origine, dont il ne reste plus qu’une seule.

Ces 2 tours devaient pouvoir sceller le port à l’aide d’une chaine qui les liaient; l’Eglise de Sayedet al Naja où Notre Dame de la Délivrance; et la Cathédrale St Jean et son baptistère sur son côté

Lire la suite:

Obsessed with Time? Applicable to every Palestinian living under Israel occupation

Ramallah, occupied West Bank – Palestinian author Raja Shehadeh has used his pen to delicately trace the contours of Palestinian history and landscapes, bringing readers into the harsh and complicated realities that shape daily life in the West Bank, where some two and a half million Palestinians have remained under an Israeli military occupation for more than half a century.

Jaclynn Ashly, Nov. 20, 2018

Shehadeh, who also practices law, wrote his first book in 1982, titled The Third Way: A Journal of Life in the West Bank, which painted a nuanced portrait of life in the occupied territory and created the ideological foundation for his future books.

“[The book] started when I went to the United States for the first time,” the 67-year-old told me at his office in Ramallah city, where shelves of legal books and documents line the white walls.

“I met a close friend of mine, who, although he is Palestinian and follows things here, he really had no idea what life was like here,” he explained.

“When I returned [to the West Bank] I wrote him lengthy letters trying to explain how it is day to day. And it wasn’t a dramatic thing. It was little harassment and difficulties that people outside could not imagine happening at all.” (The daily frequency of these harassment is the main culprit of apartheid practices) 

“I realized there was a need for such writing, and I expanded it into a book,” he said.

The book consists of stories and journal entries written by Shehadeh. Its title is derived from a saying among inmates at the Treblinka extermination camp in Nazi occupied Poland during the Holocaust: “Faced with two alternatives, always choose the third.” (Not applicable for Palestinians in colonial Israel which has endured over 7 decades and worsening)

In Palestine, he uses this saying to explore the options Palestinians have under Israel’s occupation: to either face “exile or submissive capitulation” or “blind, consuming hate.”

The third way is sumud, or steadfastness, a word used by Palestinians to articulate the act of staying on the land, regardless of the difficulties in doing so, in order to resist Israel’s ultimate goal of expelling Palestinians from their lands.

Shehadeh has since written 10 books, his most popular being Palestinian Walks: Notes on a Vanishing Landscape, which explores his changing relationship with the landscape of the West Bank owing to Israel’s settler colonial project.

He has a new book set to be released next year, titled Going Home.

Although Shehadeh did not want to speak at length about the focus of the book, he said it explores aging and the changing perceptions of time as “you become closer to the end.”

“I’ve become rather obsessed with time,” Shehadeh said. “Maybe that’s why it bothered me so much that you showed up late.” He smiled and chuckled – the first sign of warmth he showed me since I had agitated him by arriving a half hour late. (I had used the wrong café as a reference point to his office.)

Shehadeh lives a simple life in Ramallah city, gardening, reading, listening to classical music and, of course, writing. Shehadeh has kept a sometimes daily — sometimes weekly – private journal for decades, allowing him to revisit old events, feelings and perspectives, transforming blank pages into literary works that have earned him international acclaim.

“I have a practice of always carrying around a small piece of paper or notebook and jotting things down,” Shehadeh told me. “It’s not a journal that I make myself write. I write when I need to in order to explain things to myself, or when I’m coming to terms with things.” (I take notes when I read books)

From law to literature

Shehadeh, one of the founders of the Palestinian human rights group al-Haq, had always wanted to be a writer. However, after the publication of his first book, “I realized there was a lot of work to be done in the legal aspects and the human aspects [in the occupied West Bank],” he said.

He instead dedicated most of his time to challenging Israel’s occupation and human rights violations through international legal frameworks.

“The biggest asset for Palestinians is the law,” Shehadeh told Mondoweiss. “Because the law is on our side. To some extent [at the time] there was more interest and shame among the international community regarding international law.”

(There are 2 parallel law codes in Israel)

Shehadeh served as the legal adviser for Palestinians during the Madrid peace negotiations in 1991, but left over disagreements with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)’s focus and priorities, which the writer said valued political expediency and the return of exiled leaders over issues facing Palestinians on the ground.

“The PLO agreed to terms that, from the beginning, I thought were too restrictive,” Shehadeh said. “It would have taken great effort to bring in issues that are so relevant to us [Palestinians] here, such as [Israeli] settlements and the land.”

He sipped from a cup of coffee an assistant had brought, and then went on: “It was only about creating a self-government for Palestinians. In my mind, [the negotiations] were leading to Israel unilaterally confirming and consolidating what was already happening. I decided it was futile and left.”

Years later, the Oslo agreements were signed in secret between the PLO and the Israeli government, dramatically altering life in the occupied Palestinian territory.

The agreements broke up the land in the occupied West Bank into Areas A, B, and C, leaving more than 60 percent of the West Bank under full Israeli military control, while the newly established Palestinian Authority (PA) was permitted to govern just 18 percent of the land.

“I was very disappointed [after Oslo],” Shehadeh said calmly, his hands clasped together and resting on his knee. “It made a difference in my whole life, because until then I was giving up everything I could to the legal aspect of the struggle.”

“My life really changed. I felt that my work had amounted to very little in terms of political effectiveness […]

Since Oslo, the Palestinian leadership has been excusing its failures and holding onto this deal, which they are bound to hold onto because they have no power to get out of it. And it has been downhill ever since.”

It was Shehadeh’s frustrations with Oslo that spurred him to leave al-Haq and direct his energy towards writing.

‘My father would feel very disappointed’

While Shehadeh always wrote on the side, even as he did legal work documenting Israel’s violations in the Palestinian territory, the first book he was able to dedicate a significant amount of time to was Strangers in the House: Coming of Age in Occupied Palestine, which he wrote when he was in his late 30s.

The memoir explores Shehadeh’s complicated relationship with his father Aziz, an accomplished lawyer who was stabbed and left to bleed to death near his home in Ramallah in 1985.

Israeli authorities were accused of harboring political motives and not investigating the murder properly, and the case has since remained unsolved.

His father had, and continues to have, a profound influence on Shehadeh, and to this day the book was the most challenging for him to write, he tells Mondoweiss.

“Parents are extremely important and the perceptions and relationships change when one changes in time,” he said. “Whenever I tried to write something else, I would get back to that subject in my mind. So it was important and difficult to write.”

Since then, he has explored his relationship with his father in many of his books.

His father Aziz was one of the first Palestinians to promote a two-state solution and recognition of an Israeli state.

In 1953, his father won a case against Barclays bank that allowed Palestinian refugees to access their accounts after Israel had seized them in 1948, when Israel was established upon the expulsion of some 750,000 Palestinians from their lands.

“I think my father would feel very disappointed [by the current state of the Palestinian territory],” Shehadeh said, without hesitation. “He realized early on, before many others, that we have to make a peace deal with Israel.”

However, Aziz was unique in his ability to see the potential positives in making a peace deal, Shehadeh noted.

“His father thought that Israelis and Palestinians working together would bring about a much better people, for both of us,” the writer explained. “We complement each other and we can do great things together.”

Shehadeh says that he has also inherited parts of his father’s vision.

Like Shehadeh, Aziz understood the importance of Palestinians staying on the land. “My father would do everything possible to help Palestinians stay here. Every new person staying here was a gain.”

However, unlike his father, Shehadeh does not support a two-state or one-state solution to the decades-old conflict, noting that these discussions were “irrelevant.”

Instead, the writer says his “dream” is “one region,” reminiscent of a Greater Syria, and believes this will inevitably become the future. (So far, Israel is the existential enemy of the One Syrian people)

“It will come one day. But it’s a dream, just like the one-state solution is a dream,” he said. “It’s futile for us to dream now. I think we should focus on calling for the end of the occupation, and then we can find ways that we can live together. The question is how do we relate these two nations — Palestinians and Israelis together?”

The most pressing issue for Shehadeh is the right of return for Palestinian refugees — upheld by United Nations resolution 194 — who were expelled from their homes and lands during the Zionist takeover of historic Palestine in 1948.

“The right of return is a fundamental matter for Israel, because Israel bases its state mythology on the lack of a presence or existence of a Palestinian nation,” Shehadeh explained.

“So to recognize that there was a Palestinian nation living in what became Israel means Israel has to readjust its identity. And this is essential if there’s ever going to be peace”

‘To dehumanize them, you reduce your own humanity’

His latest book, Where the Line Is Drawn: A Tale of Crossings, Friendships, and Fifty Years of Occupation in Israel-Palestine, published last year, documents Shehadeh’s shifting perspectives and relationships with several Israeli friends throughout Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territory.

“I’ve been rather obsessed with the fact that when I go to a place, let’s say a checkpoint or a certain landscape that was changed, I see it both in the way it was and the way it is now,” Shehadeh explained to me.

“These two realities are in my mind all the time […] But it’s only because of my age and experience that I can see it in this way. But anybody who is an adult now, even in their 20s or 30s, will only know about how it is now. They will have no perception or imagining of how it was before.”

These thoughts created the framework for the book, exploring various “crossings” that have changed throughout the occupation.

He said that he explores “how different relationships existed between Palestinians and Israelis at various levels, the relationship and continuity of the land, the way that it was open at one point, and how the crossings into Israel have changed.”

Shehadeh’s book, which in part focused on his relationship with his Israeli friend Henry and included personal letters exchanged between the two friends, examines these relationships in a humanistic, thoughtful and honest way.

In a land where even the most mundane aspects of Palestinian life are shaped by Israel’s occupation, it can be a personal struggle not to become bitter and resentful toward Israelis as a whole.

But Shehadeh has been able to transcend these feelings. “To dehumanize them [Israelis], you reduce your own humanity,” he said.

“I’ve passed through stages,” Shehadeh added. “The first intifada was one, when I would be so angry and so full of hate, and therefore feel myself reduced by the hate. I realized it doesn’t do any good. It doesn’t provide me a service and it doesn’t give my cause a service.”

“It doesn’t help me in my life or my understandings. So I got over it, and I never succumbed to it again.” (And now he is succumbing to what? The laws of the occupiers?)

Continuing Sumud

Much has changed throughout the decades Shehadeh has been writing.

He remembers when it was difficult to get away with even mentioning Palestine in his books. When he did write that controversial 9-letter word, his books were often taken from public library shelves and torn apart.

“I remember going to Barnes and Noble, and noticing that one of my books — When the Birds Stopped Singing: Life in Ramallah Under Siege — was placed in the military history section,” he said, noting that he believes someone had placed it there so that no one would see it.

However, “now there are many books and intellectuals who are critical of Israel, which was not the case before.”

Meanwhile, he said, Israel has shifted farther to the right, with US President Donald Trump “allowing Israel to do whatever it wants.” Shehadeh believes that this is in fact bad for Israel.

“It is destroying the country,” he told Mondoweiss. “They are becoming fascists.” (They have been acting fascists since they were created and planned their terrorist activities as fascists before their “independence” from mandated Britain)

For the daily life of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, Shehadeh believes that it has become more complex. “I think in the past it used to be a lot simpler because we all understood occupation and we all thought it would end soon. But as time went on we realized that’s not the case,” he said. (As he understood Britain mandated occupation?)

“But it was clear where we were moving and the situation wasn’t confusing,”’ he continued. “At the same time, daily life was much more difficult and obstructed.”

However, now in the occupied West Bank, he says, there are more opportunities and possibilities for Palestinians. Particularly in cities like Ramallah, which boomed after 1997 becoming the de-facto capital of the West Bank, Palestinians have more access to economic ventures or other projects than they did before. (An economy that is extension to Israel economy?)

According to Shehadeh, this is all part of the continuing sumud, and represents developments that have made it easier for Palestinians to remain here.

“If you think about Ramallah, as bad as the government [Palestinian Authority] is, they’ve managed to make it possible for people to lead their lives with clean streets and cafes.” (Great, while settlers dump their sewage in Palestinian schools?)

Ramallah’s active cultural scene, consisting of everything from visual arts, poetry and theater to hip hop and underground music, is an important element of sumud. “The assertion of the self is an important part of the resistance,” Shehadeh says.

“People are staying, and that’s very important. There is power in the fact that despite everything Israel has tried to do we are still staying,” he said, highlighting that the population of Palestinians and Israelis within Israel-Palestine is almost equal.

“That’s a great achievement considering how much Israel has tried to prevent it.”

Shehadeh politely glanced at his watch to check the time. We had been speaking for about two hours, and I thought it was best to finally end the interview.

The acclaimed writer walked me out. “Thank you for your time,” I said, and his reply was brief. “Yes, thank you. Good bye.” His eyes lowered to the ground as he gently closed the door in front of him.

A comparison: How welcomed and treated are the pilgrims (haj) in Iraq and Mecca

The Road of “Mishayat” (walking the distance of 90 km between Al Najaf and Karbalaa2) of the Shia pilgrims. For a week, millions walk the walk, many bare-feet.
For a week, the Iraqis along the road offer free treatments to every pilgrims: free food, free drinks, free washing with hot water, free shoe shining, free dwelling., free massaging feet….Just to get the blessing of their beloved Imam Hussein.
Pilgrims in Mecca barely are offered a cup of water. Prices of any thing is so exorbitant that many faint from famine and thirst.
Iraqis are angels to all the pilgrims who pay visit to their Imam Al Hussein

كتبت الكاتبة السعودية نداء آل سيف : لقد آن الأوان أن يسحب خَدَمَة زوار الإمام الحسين (ع) في كربلاء البساط من تحت أقدام حاتم الطائي وغيره ممن اشتهروا بالكرم عبر التاريخ .

فلطالما كان أسم حاتم الطائي مقرونا بالكرم و الجود و العطاء بلا حدود . بيد أن بوصلة التاريخ لابد أن تتغير اليوم والأمثال لابد لها أن تتحول . فعطاء حاتم يتوارى أمام عطاء أهالي العراق لزوار الأربعين .

ما دفعني لكتابة هذه المقالة في الحقيقة ، هي صدمة المقارنة ، بين الكرم والسخاء اللامتناهي الذي يلقاه زائرو كربلاء ماديا ونفسيا ، وبين ما يجري في بلادنا من جفاء لحجاج بيت الله الحرام . فقد حظيت خلال العشر سنوات الماضية بخدمة الحجاج في أكثر من حملة للحجيج ،

إلا أنه وعلى النقيض من كل الخدمات المجانية التي يلقاها الزائر الماشي على قدميه بين النجف وكربلاء على مدى ثلاثة أيام أو أكثر والتي تبدأ من الغذاء والسكن والخدمات الصحية ،

ولا تنتهي بخدمة تدليك الأقدام وتلميع الأحذية ،

لم أجد في مكة المكرمة أكثر من علبة ماء تلقيتها ذات مرة على طريق منى !. الفرق شاسع ولا مجال أصلا للمقارنة ، بين ما يلقاه زائرو كربلاء وزائرو مكة ،

في الأولى يستجديك الناس طمعا بالتشرف في خدمتك مجانا ، أما الثانية فما عليك إلا أن تحمد ربك كي لا تضطر للاستجداء نتيجة الأسعار المتصاعدة صاروخيا عاما بعد عام في السكن والغذاء والنقل .

أسئلة كثيرة دارت بداخلي وتمنيت لو يجيبني عليها أحدا، ألسنا أولى بهذا الخدمات ونحن أغنى من العراق بأضعاف مضاعفة ؟

أليس الحج هو الفريضة التي أوجبها الله على المسلمين، فكان من الأجدى بنا أن نتفانى في خدمة الحجاج . 

وكمواطنة ، أنتمى لبلاد الحرمين أتمنى فعلا أن يكون هناك مشاركة مجتمعية من الأهالي والحكومة في خدمة الحجاج وأن تتاح الفرصة لتقديم العطاء لهم، عساها تكون خير فرصة لتغير صورتنا التي بدأت تتلوث بسواد العنف والتعصب.

بعد رحلتي على طريق المشاية بين النجف وكربلاء ، لا أتردد في القول مرة أخرى لحاتم الطائي ، بأن لا مكان لك اليوم أمام ما رأيناه على طريق “المشاية”، من عطاء وكرم وأخلاق العراقيين خَدَمَة زوار الإمام الحسين ، فقد فاقوا كرمك بما لا يحويه الوصف .

اﻻ يستحق منا ان نطلق على هذه اﻻيام (الصفريه) ايام للسلام العالمي وندعوا المنظمات الدولية لحضور هذه التظاهرة السلمية والخدمية والكتابة عنها ومشاهدتها حضوريآ ..
#شارك المنشور على حب الحسين


مصطفى فواز

شعب العراق ملائكة

تغريدات شاب مصري (عضو مركز دراسات) في عام 2016 لطريق المشاية بين النجف الأشرف وكربلاء المقدّسة في زيارة الأربعين ، قام بكتابتها في حسابه على تويتر ..

■ غسيل ملابس .. إصلاح أحذية .. ماء ساخن للاستحمام في برد الصحراء القارص .. مضافات للنوم على جانبي الطريق .

ليسوا بشراً شعب العراق ملائكة

■ وجود ملايين البشر في شوارع أي دولة إذا تخطى الـ ٢٤ ساعة هو كابوس على كل المستويات أمنياً واقتصادياً واجتماعياً وتموينياً وبيئياً ..

■ تخيلي يا نسرين .. نزول ملايين البشر من داخل العراق وخارجه من مختلف الجنسيات والأعراق واحتلالهم للشوارع لمدة أسابيع أو أكثر !!

■ شيء مرعب :
ملايين الأرغفة
ملايين الوجبات اليومية
مليارات من غالونات الماء 
ملايين الاسرّة للجنسين
ملايين ساعات العمل
ضيافة ؟!

■ بالضبط لو كان هناك مؤسسة أو نظام سياسي لقلنا إن هناك تفسيراً .. الحديث يدور عن شعب بفقرائه وأثريائه ..
من كلفهم ؟ من نظمهم ؟ كيف !

■ العدوى أصابت شركات أجنبية تعمل في العراق وقرر موظفيها إقامة محطات ضيافة للوافدين على العراق لن تستفيد الشركات من رضاهم عنها !

■ ٩٠ كيلو متر تقريباً تفصل مرقد سيدنا علي﴿ع﴾عن ضريح سيد شباب أهل الجنة وفي كل متر من هذه المسافة زرع شعب العراق دليل رجاء وأملاً بالإنسانية .

■ شكراً جزيلاً .. روايتي عن المسار الذي سلكناه فقط من أطراف النجف إلى أطراف كربلاء وعلى من سلك مسالك أخرى أن يشهد لهذا الشعب العظيم .

■ بديهيات العراق هذه .. أساطير لاتصدق في بلاد أخرى ..
ولايجوز كتمان شهادة عن شعب يجترح معجزات إنسانية لانظير لها ولامثيل .

■ ملاحظة : إكرام “ضيف” زارك لأيام واجب .. إكرام ملايين الضيوف لأسابيع من فقراء العراق قبل أثريائه معجزة إنسانية كبرى .

■ عفواً من شعوب الأرض جميعاً ولكن شعب العراق ليس له نظير ولاشبيه ولايدانيه بكرمه وذوقه وإنسانيته أحد ..
عدت من العراق وليتني لم أعد ..

■ في شوارع العراق وقف أطفال في عمر الزهور لايملكون لتكريم الضيوف إلا رشهم بالعطور !! يشتري واحدهم زجاجة عطر ويقف لساعات لتعطير الزوار !

■ شاب لا أساوي الحذاء الذي يرتديه يوقفني راجياً أن أسمح له بتلميع حذائي ! حسبي الله ونعم الوكيل ..

■ شباب العراق يقفون على امتداد ٩٠ كيلو متر بالطعام والفواكه والعصائر .. وبعضهم وقف متأهباً بآلات يدوية لتدليك أقدام زوار تشنجت من المشي !

في العراق وعلى امتداد ٩٠ كيلو من المشاهدات العينية يتسابق فقراء وبسطاء الناس على “خطف” الضيوف من الشوارع وتأمين ألف خدمة وخدمة لهم .

■ ٩٠ كيلومتر زرعها شعب العراق بملائكة ليسوا من جنس البشر .. تركوا أعمالهم وعائلاتهم وعرضوا أنفسهم لخطر الموت أسابيع لتوفير الراحة للزوار .

■ ٩٠ كيلومتر طول طريق مهددة بالسيارات المفخخة والأحزمة الناسفة والقصف الصاروخي لم تمنع شعب العراق من تحويله إلى أكبر مضافة في التأريخ

■ شباب وكهول ورجال وأطفال يجللهم الفقر النظيف أو الستر انتشروا على امتداد ٩٠ كيلو متر لتكريم زوار العراق وخدمتهم برموش العيون في يوم حشر ..




March 2019
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