Adonis Diaries

Archive for the ‘religion/history’ Category

A lawsuit against Allah in Syria in 2005

The 40-year Syrian Abed Razaak Abed Allah filed a lawsuit against Allah in 2005 for failing to deliver on his promises in many verses of the Koran.

When the judge asked him why he waited so long to file his lawsuit Abed Razaak replied: All judges were scared of Allah, but you seem to be a level-headed judge.

Note: If Allah exists, all those who speak in the name of Allah to justify their behaviors and bad actions, Hell was reserved for them

هذا ما حصل في سورية سنة 2005

« دعوى قضائية ضد الله »

، تقدم مواطن سوري يدعى عبد الرزاق عبدالله سنة ٢٠٠٥ بدعوى قضائية إلى المحكمة ضد الله طلب فيها دعوة المدعى عليه للمحاكمة وإلزامه من حيث النتيجة بتسليمه الرزق الذي خصصه به الله وقد جاء في حيثيات الدعوى كما رواها أحدهم وكان حاضراً عندما تقدم عبد الرزاق بدعواه المذكورة إلى قاضي المحكمة:

المدعي : عبد الرزاق عبدالله.المدعى عليه : الله.موضوع

الدعوى : لقد خلقني المدعى عليه الله قبل أربعين عاماً من والدين فقيرين ماتا قبل أن أبلغ العاشرة من عمري، فنشأت وتربيت يتيماً وفقيراً لا مال عندي ولا بيت، وكان الله قد منع اهلي من قتلي بسبب الفقر عندما قال “لاتقتلوا اولادكم من إملاق (الأنعام)/ خشية إملاق ( الإسراء)، نحن نرزقكم وإياهم”، وبذلك اغواهم وخلف وعده..

ولما كان المدعى عليه الله هو الذي خلقني فهو مكلف بتأمين رزقي وإعالتي بدليل قوله في كتابه الكريم: ” نحن خلقناكم ونحن نرزقكم ” ، إلا أن المدعى عليه ورغم مضي أربعين عاماً على ولادتي لم يكفل لي الحد الأدنى للمعيشة، مما اضطرني إلى حاجة الناس حتى ركبني الدين.ولما كان المدعى عليه قد أكد في القرآن الكريم وعلى لسان نبيه الأمين:” رزقكم في السماء وما توعدون ”

في حين احتفظ المدعى عليه بهذا الرزق المخصص لي بموجب ذلك النص بدون وجه حق، ولم يسلمني إياه رغم المطالبة المستمرة له مع الدعاء له كل يوم وكل ساعة.ولما كان المدعى عليه “الله” قد أعطى غيري من الرزق الكثير بما يفوق حاجته، بحيث ترى أن هناك من يملك الملايين والكثير من العقارات والسيارات ويتذوق يومياً ما لذ وطاب من المأكل والمشرب ، بينما أدوخ أنا مع الكثيرين من الجوع والعطش.

وبما أن إسمي هو عبد الرزاق وعبد الله فمعنى ذلك أنني من عبيد المدعى عليه وبالتالي فهو مكلف بإعالتي، لأن العبد وما ملكت يداه لسيده.لهذه الأسباب وغيرها فإنني أطلب:

١- دعوة المدعى عليه للمحاكمة.
٢- إلزامه بإيداع رزقي الموجود لديه في السماء إلى أقرب بنك.
٣- تضمينه الرسوم والمصاريف.

قرأ القاضي استدعاء الدعوى، وقد بدا عليه الإندهاش والغرابة من مضمون هذه الدعوى الأولى من نوعها في العالم ، ثم قال للمدعي هذه الدعوى ساقطة بالتقادم القصير والطويل، فلماذا انتظرت كل هذه المدة لتتقدم بهذه الدعوى؟

فرد عليه المدعي على الفور :” لا لم تسقط هذه الدعوى بالتقادم يا سيدي لأن التزام المدعى عليه هو التزام مستمر ويتجدد يومياً .دُهش القاضي لهذا الجواب ،

ثم سأل المدعي لكن لماذا لم تتقدم بهذه الدعوى من قبل إلى القضاة الذين كانوا قبلي في هذه المحكمة؟

أجاب المدعي: يا سيدي إن القضاة الذين سبقوك كانوا يخافون من المدعى عليه،أما سيادتكم فلم يثبت لدينا ذلك.

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Why the Islamic and “Arabic” culture is unable to sustain voicing the truth?

“نحو خطاب ديني جديد “

Toward a new religious rhetoric

The poet Adonis claim that we need a new Islamic religious rhetoric or discourse that separate religion from civil administration, governance and civic life.

He claim that every monarch and dictator in the Islamic world considers himself a Calif.

If you can read Arabic that’s fine. Otherwise, I need to extend my own opinion of religion, all religion.

All intellectuals and secular forces would state : Religion has nothing to do with civil government of people, especially Islam. They are lying with every fiber of their body: they don’t want to say that religion was indeed created to govern the societies.

If religion was Not meant to govern the people, then why did every religion created a sophisticated hierarchy of clergy and invested most of its energy at opening locations for gathering, preaching and “praying”?

Even Communist Russia and China, who supposedly “eradicated” religious institutions, didn’t dare to test the influence of religion by once conducting a single “democratic” election for all the population?

Did any “democratic” State, with laws that separate religious institutions from civil institutions, tested and evaluated the influence of religious votes in elections? How many oppose any “ideal civil program” simply on the basis of religious belief systems, disseminated and tacitly supported by the clergies.

تحرير الثقافة العربية من الوظيفية :
أدونيس يفتح النار على الثقافة العربية والإسلامية
ويقول إنها لا تعلّم سوى الكذب والنفاق والرياء :

في قاعة ضاقت على حضورها بما رحبت في العاصمة المصرية القاهرة صبّ الشاعر السوري أدونيس جام غضبه على حال الثقافة العربية والإسلامية في الوقت الراهن..
واصفا إياها بأنها ثقافة القرون الوسطى..

مؤكدا أنها ثقافة لا تعلّم سوى الرياء والنفاق والكذب..
ولا تستطيع أن تجهر بالحق وليست حرة…
ومشيرا الى أن الرقابة هي جزء عضوي في الثقافة العربية، ليس فقط من أهل السلطة..
وإنما توجد الرقابة الاجتماعية والسياسية.

وتابع أدونيس:
أنا نفسي لا أستطيع أن أقول ما أفكر فيه بصراحة. ..
وأضاف أدونيس في ندوته بعنوان “نحو خطاب ديني جديد “
أنه لا يجرؤ على وصف الصورة التي يوصف بها الإسلام في العالم الآن، مشيرا أن الحرب العربية العربية لم تتوقف منذ 14 قرنا...

فضلا عن الإقصاء الذي مارسه العرب والمسلمون على الآخر.. موضحا أن الإرهاب الحالي ليس سوى تنويع على إيقاع إرهاب قديم…

وانتقد أدونيس الأنظمة العربية بلا استثناء..
مشيرا إلى أنه لا همّ لها سوى الحفاظ على سلطتهم…
ولا يعنيهم من قريب أو بعيد الإنسان العربي الفرد…
وموضحا أننا كعرب ومسلمين لا نعير الفرد أي اعتبار…
وإن كل اهتمامنا بالعشيرة والقبيلة….

ووصف أدونيس الشعوب العربية بأنها :
شعوب تعيش على ما يقوله السلف..
موضحا أننا شعوب منشطرة الشخصية….

ووصف أدونيس المثقفين بأنهم موظفون…
لا دور لهم على الإطلاق…
مشيرا إلى أنه لو كان للمثقف دور..!!!
لكان أدى هذا الدور عظماء مثل طه حسين
وعلى عبد الرازق وزكي نجيب محمود”
واعتذر أدونيس عن نسيان أسماء أخرى”.

وقال الشاعر السوري إن الثورة الحقيقية هي:
أن نثور على أنفسنا… مشيرا إلى أن أعظم معلّم للإنسان
هو نفسه إذا كان صادقا معها….

ودعا أدونيس إلى إحداث قطيعة معرفية مع الماضي…
بب مشيرا إلى أن أول قطيعة يجب أن تكون :
مع القراءة السائدة للدين.

لست متدينا ولكن

وقال أدونيس إنه ليس متدينا..
ولكنه أحرص الناس على الدفاع عن المتدينين
شريطة ألا يفرضوا آراءهم بالقوة على الآخر.
الاسلام دين لا دولة

وقال أدونيس إنه يؤمن تماما بأن الاسلام رسالة روحية..
وليس دولة..
مشيرا إلى أن من معاني الدولة أن تحمل معنى العنف، مستنكرا أن يتحول الدين من رسالة روحية إلى قمع وعنف، وموضحا أن الرسالات السماوية لم تنزل لتقييد البشر ..
ولكن لتحريرهم .

وأكد أدونيس أنه لا يوجد نص سواء من القرآن أو السنة يقول إن الاسلام دولة..
داعيا الى مدنية علمانية على المستوى العربي..
وتحرير الثقافة العربية من الوظيفية…
واتجاهها الى النضال من أجل الحرية وفتح الآفاق ….

ودعا أدونيس إلى الديمقراطية بمعناها الحقيقي..
حيث الحرية والمساواة ..
مؤكدا أن علمنة الدول هو :
أحد أهم الأشياء التي يجب النضال من أجلها .

ووصف أدونيس الحكام العرب بأنهم خلفاء …!!
مشيرا إلى أن الدولة الوحيدة التي قام فيها ثورة حقيقية نظام الحكم فيها أشبه بالخليفة وهي الجزائر..
متسائلا : فكيف الحال بباقي الدول العربية.

وخلص أدونيس الى استحالة قيام ديمقراطية عربية في ظل الأوضاع الراهنة .

The crimes of 1948: Jewish fighters speak out

“The most ferocious Jewish terrorists on Palestinian civilians were those who had escaped the Nazi camps”.

#Nakba

Thomas Vescovi. Thursday 28 June 2018 13:08 UTC

More than 60 years after these events, the combatants express little remorse: the territory needed to be liberated to found the Jewish state and there was no room for “Arabs” (Meaning Palestinians)

For the Israelis, 1948 represents the high point of the Zionist project, a major chapter in the Israeli national narrative when the Jews became masters of their own fate and, above all, succeeded in realising the utopia formulated 50 years earlier by Theodor Herzl – the construction, in Palestine, of a state of refuge for the “Jewish people”.

(This utopia was the concept of the USA “Christian” Evangelists, 50 years prior to Herzl ideology: They believed the Second Coming will take place only when the Jews occupy Jerusalem)

For the Palestinians, 1948 symbolises the advent of the colonial process that dispossessed them of their land and their right to sovereignty – known as the “Nakba” (catastrophe, in Arabic).

In theory, Israeli and Palestinian populations disagree over the events of 1948 that drove 805,000 Palestinians into forced exile. However, in practice, Jewish fighters testified early on to the crimes of which they perhaps played accomplice, or even perpetrator.

Dissonant voices

Through various channels, a number of Israelis would testify to the events of the day, as early as 1948.

At the time of the conflict, a number of Zionist leaders questioned the movement’s authorities on the treatment of Arab populations in Palestine, which they considered unworthy of the values the Jewish fighters claimed to defend. Others took notes hoping to testify once the violence had stopped.

Yosef Nahmani, a senior officer of the Haganah, the armed force of the Jewish Agency that would become the Army of Defense for Israel, wrote in his diary on 6 November 1948:

“In Safsaf, after the inhabitants had hoisted the white flag, [the soldiers] gathered the men and women into separate groups, bound the hands of fifty or sixty villagers, shot them, then buried them all in the same pit. They also raped several women from the village. Where did they learn such behaviour, as cruel as that of the Nazis? […] One officer told me that the most ferocious were those who had escaped the camps.”

During the conflict, a number of Zionist leaders questioned the movement’s authorities on the treatment of Arab populations in Palestine, which they considered unworthy of the values the Jewish fighters claimed to defend

The truth is, once the war was over, the narrative of the victors alone was heard, with Israeli civil society facing a number of far more urgent challenges than that of the plight of the Palestinian refugees. People who wanted to recount the events of the day had to turn to fiction and literature.

,In 1949, the Israeli writer and politician, Yizhar Smilansky published the novella Khirbet Khizeh, in which he described the expulsion of an eponymous Arab village. But according to the author, there was no need to feel remorse about that particular chapter of history. The “dirty work” was as a necessary part of building the Jewish state. His testimony reflects, instead, a kind of atonement for past sins. By acknowledging wrongs and unveiling them, one is able to cast off the burden of guilt.

The novel became a bestseller and was made into a TV film in 1977. Its release provoked heated debate since it called into question the Israeli narrative claiming the Palestinian populations had left their lands voluntarily to avoid living alongside Jews.

A squad of Jewish fighters during the Nakba. Photo from the TV drama, Khirbet Khizeh, based on the eponymous novella (Wikipedia)

Other works were published but few as realistic as Netiva Ben-Yehuda’s trilogy, The Palmach Trilogy, published in 1984, recounting the events of a three-month period in 1948.

A commander in the Palmach, the elite fighting force of the Haganah, she evokes the abuses and acts of violence perpetrated against Arab inhabitants and provides details of the massacre at Ein al Zeitun, which took place around 1 May 1948.

The Deir Yassin massacre

On 4 April 1972, Colonel Meir Pilavski, a former Palmach fighter, was interviewed by Yediot Aharonot, one of Israel’s three largest daily papers, on the Deir Yassin massacre of 9 April 1948, in which nearly 120 civilians lost their lives.

His troops, he claims, were in the vicinity at the time of the attacks, but were advised to withdraw when it became clear the operations were being led by the extremist paramilitary forces, Irgun and Stern, which had broken away from the Haganah.

From then on, the debate would focus on the events at Deir Yassin, to the point of forgetting the nearly 70 other massacres of Arab civilians that took place. The stakes were high for the Zionist left: responsibility for the massacres would be placed on groups of ultras.

The debate would focus on the events of Deir Yassin, to the point of forgetting the nearly 70 other massacres of Arab civilians that took place

In 1987, when the first works of a group of historians known as the Israeli “new historians” appeared, including those of Ilan Pappé, a considerable part of the Jewish battalions of 1948 were called into question. For those who had remained silent in recent decades, the time had come to speak out.

Part of Israeli society seemed ready to listen as well. Within the context of the First Palestinian Intifada and the pre-Oslo negotiations, pacifist circles were ready to question Israeli society on its national narrative and its relationship to non-Jewish communities.

These attempts at dialogue ended suddenly with the outbreak of the Second Intifada, which was more militarised and took place in the aftermath of the failed Camp David talks and the breakdown of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. The Katz controversy would perfectly embody the new dynamic.

The Katz controversy

In 1985, a 60-year-old kibbutznik, Teddy Katz, decided to resume his studies and enrolled in a historical research programme under the direction of Ilan Pappé at the University of Haifa. He wanted to shed light on the events that took place in five Palestinian villages, deserted in 1948.

He conducted 135 interviews with Jewish fighters, 64 of which focused on the atrocity that allegedly took place in the village of Tantura, cleared of 1,200 inhabitants on 23 May 1948 by Palmach forces.

After two years of research, Katz states in his work that between 85 and 110 men were ruthlessly shot dead on Tantura beach, after digging their own graves. The massacre would then continue in the village, one house at a time, and a man hunt was played out in the streets.

The killing only stopped when Jewish inhabitants from the neighbouring village of Zikhron Yaakov intervened. More than 230 people were murdered.

Ilan Pappé: “The Nakba, the observation of a crime, ignored but not forgotten

In January 2000, a journalist from daily Maariv newspaper decided to talk to some of the witnesses mentioned by Katz. The main witness, Bentzion Fridan, a commander for the Palmach forces present in Tantura, denied the whole story point blank, then filed a complaint, along with other senior officers, against Katz, who found himself forced to face a dozen lawyers determined to defend the honour of the nation’s “heroes”.

Under pressure from the media – who were calling him a “collaborator” and were only covering his accusers’ version of the facts – and the courts, he agreed to sign a document acknowledging he had falsified their statements. Though he withdrew his acknowledgement a few hours later and had the backing of a university commission, the legal proceedings were over.

With the collapse of the Oslo Accords, the return to power of the Likud, the failure of the Camp David Accords and the Taba Summit, the Second Intifada and the kamikaze attacks, Israeli pacifists were no longer interested in the Palestinian version of 1948. Indeed, most were too busy falling into rank to escape the repercussions of the country’s increasingly conservative social order.

Testifying for posterity

In 2005, the filmmaker Eyal Sivan and the Israeli NGO Zochrot developed the project Towards a Common Archive aiming to gather testimonies from the Jewish soldiers of 1948. More than 30 agreed to testify on the events of those days which had been subject to such conflicting accounts.

Why had fighters now agreed to testify, a mere few years later? According to Pappé, the scientific director of the project, for three reasons.

They did all agree on the necessity, in 1948, of forcing Arab populations into exile in order to build the State of Israel

First, most were approaching the end of their lives and were no longer afraid of speaking out.

Second, the former fighters had fought for an ideal that had deteriorated with the rise in Israel of religious circles and the far right, as well as the neoliberal electroshock imposed by Netanyahu during his successive mandates.

Third, they were convinced that sooner or later the younger generations would discover the truth of the Palestinian refugees, and they believed it was their duty to pass on the knowledge of the disturbing events.

The testimonies are Not identical across the board.

Some fighters went into great detail, whereas others did not wish to address certain topics. Nevertheless, they did all agree on the necessity, in 1948, of forcing Arab populations into exile in order to build the State of Israel, though their views differed at times on the usefulness of firing on civilians.

All claim to have received specific orders concerning the razing of Arab villages, however, to prevent the exiled populations’ return.

The villages were “cleaned out” methodically.

As they approached the site, soldiers would fire or launch grenades to frighten the local populations. In most cases, such actions were enough to drive the inhabitants away. Sometimes, a house or two had to be blown up at the entrance of a village to force the few recalcitrant inhabitants to flee.

As for the massacres, for some, the acts were merely part of the “cleansing” operations, since the leaders of the Zionist movement had authorised them to “cross this line”, in certain cases.

The “line” was systematically crossed when inhabitants refused to leave, put up resistance, or even fought back.

No remorse

In Lod, more than 100 people took refuge in the mosque, believing rumours that Jewish fighters would not attack places of worship. A rocket launcher destroyed their shelter, which collapsed on them. Their bodies were burned.

For others, the leaders Yigal Allon, of the Palmach, and David Ben Gurion, of the Jewish Agency, reportedly opposed the shooting of civilians, ordering forces to first let them go and then to destroy the homes.

The combatants also testify to a contrasting Palestinian response. In most cases, they seemed “frightened” and overwhelmed by the events, hastening to join the flow of refugees. Some Arabs begged the soldiers not to “do to them what they did in Deir Yassin”.

Other inhabitants seemed convinced they would be able to return home at the end of the fighting. One witness spoke of residents of the village of Bayt Naqquba who left the key to their houses with Jewish neighbours in the Kiryat-Avanim kibbutz, with whom they were on good terms, so the latter could ensure that nothing was looted.

Good Jewish-Arab relations come up regularly, and few witnesses speak of being on bad terms with their neighbours before the beginning of the war.

During an eviction around Beersheba, Palestinian peasants came to ask for help from the inhabitants of the neighbouring kibbutz, who did not hesitate to intervene and denounce the actions of Zionist soldiers.

More than 60 years after these events, the combatants expressed little or No remorse.

According to them, it was necessary to liberate the territory promised by the UN in order to found the Jewish state, and this meant there was no room for Arabs in the national landscape.

– Thomas Vescovi is a teacher and a researcher in contemporary history. He is the author of Bienvenue en Palestine (Kairos, 2014) and La Mémoire de la Nakba en Israël (L’Harmattan, 2015).

READ MORE ►

“Nakba’s harvest of sorrow: We will be back, grandmother 

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

Photo: On 12 May 1948, members of the Haganah escort Palestinians expelled from Haifa after Jewish forces took control of its port on 22 April (AFP).

This article originally appeared in French.

Israel’s occupation mindset and lust to kill has to be ended

Activists stage a rally condemning the Israeli violence at the Gaza Strip’s eastern border in Brooklyn, New York, United States on 14 May, 2018 [Mohammed Elshamy/Anadolu Agency]

Activists stage a rally condemning the Israeli violence at the Gaza Strip’s eastern border in New York, US on 14 May, 2018 [Mohammed Elshamy/Anadolu Agency

The history of the Palestinian cause since the 1948 Nakba has been linked to a lengthy list of legal and moral violations against innocent people; a lot of their blood has been spilt.

This has produced the greatest level of human suffering of modern times, to which the international powers have contributed by harnessing the law in favour of rogue terrorist gangs.

Having such powers behind them, those gangs were able to establish a country upon the remnants of a peaceful population of an ancient civilisation reflected in their land, identity and culture.

The rest of the indigenous people (Palestinians) were driven off the land at gunpoint, in a stark example of what we now call ethnic cleansing.

This is the first time in modern politics that we have ever witnessed such a “surrogate” state, which uprooted the existing population and has sought ever since to eradicate their existence and history.

Israel has lived up to its stated intent to be an “outpost of [Western] civilisation against barbarism” having been planted in a region which shares the faiths, language and general culture of the Palestinians.

In order to accomplish the international conspiracy and criminal intent of this “surrogate” state, the process has been carried out regardless of the history and culture of the land in which it was established, against the wishes of the indigenous population it must be said. Since taking over 78 per cent of historic Palestine, the occupation state has shredded the remaining land, “in a way that prevents the achievement of its unity, and the construction of its independent political entity.”

READ: Reporters Without Borders asks ICC to investigate Israel war crimes against journalists

Israel was built upon the terrorism of Zionist militias who held no red lines as sacred and proceeded to kill, displace and plunder the people and their resources.

For the past 70 years, Israeli governments have continued in the same vein, preventing — by force when deemed necessary — the Palestinians from leading a peaceful and dignified life in their own land.

In doing so, the occupation authorities have trampled on international laws and conventions, claiming an unprecedented degree of exceptionalism that allows Israel to act with impunity. Its war crimes and crimes against humanity continue to go unpunished; in this, its international backers in Washington, London and other Western capitals are complicit.

The 70th anniversary of the Nakba – Cartoon [Sabaaneh/MiddleEastMonitor]

The establishment of the State of Israel was accompanied by systematic massacres in order to empty the land of its existing inhabitants.

The massacre of Balad Al-Shaykh in 1948, for example, saw 600 Palestinians killed, most of them women and children; their corpses were found in their homes.

The well-known massacre of Deir Yassin, also in 1948, reflected the extent to which the sanctity of human life was disregarded by the Zionist terrorists, and demonstrated their criminality and inherent hatred for the local people.

Estimates differ of the number of casualties, but the International Red Cross reported that 150 corpses were found in one cistern alone, apart from the bodies on the streets, some of which had been badly mutilated.

As was the case across Palestine, when the people were killed or driven out of their homes, whole villages were then demolished and wiped off the map.

Massacres by Israeli troops continued throughout 1948 and beyond. The village of Abu Shusha was “depopulated” the day before Israel was created, while Tantura was attacked by the nascent Israel Defence Forces (IDF) 10 days later, with dozens of the local people killed and hundreds more forced out of their homes. Similar attacks on Palestinians took place in Qabiya in 1953, and Qalqilya, Kafr Qasim and Khan Yunus in 1956, to name but a few.

The whole history of Israel’s occupation of Palestine is filled with massacres of the Palestinian people. In part, this is because the state ideology, Zionism, requires as much of the land to be taken as possible, with as few Arabs on it as possible, so that Jewish settlers can be moved in to colonise the occupied territories.

Those Palestinians who stayed behind and refused to move off their land have faced systematic attacks over the decades, by the forces of the state as well as illegal settlers.

In 1990, a Jewish group calling itself the Temple Mount Faithful went to lay a cornerstone in the Noble Sanctuary of Al-Aqsa, where the group hopes one day to build a temple on the ruins of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock Mosque. Protected — as such incursions continue to be — by Israeli security forces, the settlers were met by Palestinian worshippers, 20 of whom were killed in the confrontation, with 150 more wounded.

The Ibrahimi Mosque was attacked by a lone gunman wearing his IDF uniform in February 1994; settler Baruch Goldstein shot and killed 29 Palestinians as they prayed in the mosque and injured dozens more. In 2002, the IDF surrounded the Jenin Refugee Camp before attacking the inhabitants. More than 50 Palestinians were killed, along with a number of Israel soldiers. Early claims put the number of those killed in the hundreds.

These massacres are well known, but are not the only Israeli crimes. What has been called “Jewish terrorism” was killing Palestinians (and British Mandate personnel, by the way) in the decade before the establishment of the state of Israel. Terrorist groups such as the Irgun and Stern Gang are infamous for their crimes. An estimated 7,000 Palestinians are believed to have been killed by such gangs.

Explained: The Nakba 70 years on

Furthermore, Israel has not been content with attacking and killing Palestinians in the occupied territories alone. Its armed forces and agents have killed Palestinian individuals around the world, and facilitated the massacre of civilians in the Sabra and Shatila Refugee Camps in Beirut in 1982.

Up to 3,500 Palestinian women, children and elderly people were slaughtered by a Lebanese Christian militia let into the camps by the IDF. Israeli soldiers actually lit the scene with flares and stood by while the massacre ensued. The victims lay in the streets for several days because the killers closed the entrances of the camps until they finished their crime. As on other occasions, bodies were mutilated and personal belongings were stolen.

The Israeli mindset appears to be one of territorial conquest and bloodlust. The IDF shows no mercy, even when the Palestinians protest against their virtual imprisonment by the occupation.

In 1987, when the First Intifada (Uprising) erupted, stone-throwing youths were met with live ammunition and rubber-coated steel bullets; if caught, they often had their arms and legs broken by the Israeli troops. When the Second Intifada broke out in 2000 in response to Israel’s assassination of key Palestinian individuals and other violations, the occupation security forces shed the blood of more than 4,000 people; a further 38,000 were wounded.

Nakba journey - Palestinians fleeing during the Nakba in 1948
More than 1 million Palestinians were displaced in 1948
Relive the journey of Nakba refugees

The Third Intifada began as a wave of protests by Palestinian youths in response to the criminal acts of the occupation authorities and extremist settler groups, the most notorious of which was the 2015 Duma arson attack against the house of the Dawabsheh family in Nablus. Most of the family were burnt alive, including an 18-month-old baby, Ali. A year earlier, in July 2014, 16-year-old Mohammed Abu Khdeir was burnt alive by Jewish settlers in Jerusalem.

11-year-old Gazaian Abdurrahman Nevfel (R), who lost his leg after Israeli soldiers opened fire on "Great March of Returns" demonstrations at Gaza Strip, is seen with his crutch in Gaza City, Gaza on 12 May, 2018 [Ali Jadallah/Anadolu Agency]

11-year-old Gazaian Abdurrahman Nevfel (R), who lost his leg after Israeli soldiers opened fire on “Great March of Returns” demonstrations at Gaza Strip, is seen with his crutch in Gaza City, Gaza on 12 May, 2018 [Ali Jadallah/Anadolu Agency]

CCTV and the cameras of human rights groups have recorded the cold-blooded killing of young Palestinians on the pretext that they were trying to stab soldiers and police officers. The evidence in many of the cases, though, suggests that these claims were false and the victims were actually unarmed. In one case, the victim was already seriously wounded and motionless on the ground when a soldier approached and shot

him in the head, killing him instantly. The soldier in question served just nine months in prison for manslaughter.

Since 2008, Israel has launched three major military offensives on the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, killing thousands in the process, including hundreds of children. Military incursions occur on a regular basis, often for no reason other than that the IDF can do what it wants to do, when it wants to do it. Israel has also imposed an immoral and illegal siege on Gaza for 12 years, an act of collective punishment that is a crime against humanity.

Human rights organisations agree that these are acts of genocide, with whole families wiped out and buried in the rubble of their homes.

Gaza’s infrastructure was already weakened by the siege when the Israeli offensives destroyed much of it altogether. The IDF killing machine did not distinguish between combatants and civilians. The statistics collated by international organisations confirm that the majority of the victims in Israel’s 2008/9, 2012 and 2014 offensives were civilians including elderly people, children and women.

READ: Gaza death toll rises to 61

Israel’s contempt for international law and human life has been witnessed again this week, with snipers shooting dead more than 60 Palestinians demonstrating for their legitimate right to return to their land within Israel. Since the Great March of Return protest started last month, more than 100 Palestinians have been killed by the Israelis — many of them shot in the back, hundreds of metres from the border fence and posing no risk to anyone — while thousands more have been wounded, often in life-changing ways.

This lust for killing is appalling, and has been condemned by the international community, although to their shame the US and others have sought to shift the blame onto the Palestinians themselves. The sight of Israeli soldiers and civilians celebrating and cheering whenever another Palestinian fell to the ground mortally wounded is sickening. Such behaviour can only be fuelled by their racism and hatred of all things Palestinian, Arab, Islamic and Christian.

Such is the demonic nature of the Zionist mindset, which rejects the Other, especially when that Other is a Palestinian standing up for his or her rights. The tyranny of the Israeli occupation of Palestine is unacceptable in the 21st Century and should be both condemned and ended by right-minded people the world over.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

Liban/Patrimoine: Le château croisé de Byblos ou de Gibelet

Par François El Bacha – 6 juillet 2018

Situé dans le périmètre du site archéologique, se trouve l’imposant Château croisé de Byblos, également appelé dans les chroniques anciennes Château de Gibelet (ou Giblet) au pied de la vieille ville.

Cette forteresse sera bâti par les Croisés au XIIème siècle, pour être encore plus précis à partir de 1104 sur des fondations d’une forteresse fatamide, elle-même construite sur des ruines phéniciennes et romaines.

Nous pouvons encore apercevoir ses fondations comportant des fûts de colonnes antiques inclus dans les murs. Il ne s’agit pas de la première structure défensive construite sur le site. En effet, le site archéologique comporte déjà plusieurs remparts dont certains construits en – 2 500 avant JcC à droite quand on rentre dans le Château.

Il existe également une forteresse Perse occupée de – 555 avant Jc à – 333 avant Jc.

Les structures du Château de Byblos Des structures du Château, on peut voir une vue sur la ville de Byblos classée au Patrimoine Mondial de l’Humanité depuis 1984.

Il s’agit de l’une des villes les plus vieilles au Monde en terme d’habitation continue. Les estimations actuelles indiquent que ce site serait occupé par l’Homme depuis 7 000 avant JC.

Le nom de Bible vient également de Byblos. D’autre part, le site offre également une vue imprenable sur la Mer Méditerranée et surtout de son port médiéval qui fut l’un des plus importants de son temps.

La dimension stratégique de cette position apparait dès lors. Elle était d’autant plus stratégique que située entre le Comté de Tripoli et la Seigneurie de Beyrouth.

Le Château croisé mélange 2 styles défensifs, le type Castrum et le type Turris avec un imposant donjon central carré de 18m par 22 m de côté, avec des murs atteignant 4m d’épaisseur, qui servait de résidence au seigneur des lieux et de dernier refuge aux assiégés en cas d’attaque.

La forteresse est entourée de douves. On pénètre dans l’enceinte du Château après avoir franchi une sorte de pont, par une porte équipée d’une herse coulissante et des mâchicoulis servaient à sa protection.

Quatre tours crénelées, placées aux angles et reliées par des courtines percées d’archères constituent la deuxième ligne de défense.

Une cinquième tour, ou saillant, se détache entre les deux tours nord. Il s’agit du Donjon central avec une grande salle dont certains murs présentent encore des graffiti d’époque.

Sur les murs du donjon, on retrouve quelques boulets tirés par les britanniques sur la garnison ottomane en 1841. Récemment, un petit musée a été aménagé dans ses salles intérieures. Il regroupe des pièces des différentes époques historiques du site archéologique. Voir la galerie photo L’Histoire du Château La construction du Château de Byblos fut décidée par la famille génoise Embriaco, qui étaient alors les seigneurs de Gibelet.

En 1188, Saladin captura la ville et le château et démantela ses murs en 1190. Plus tard, les Croisés reprirent la ville et reconstruisirent le château en 1197.

Les Croisées abandonnèrent la ville et le Château de manière pacifique, en raison de la pression maintenue par les Ayyoubides en 1302. Eux même seront ensuite remplacés par les Mamelouks.

À noter qu’en 1369, des navires chypriotes venus de Famagusta tenteront de le prendre. En 1516, suite à la bataille de Marj-Dabek, les Ottomans s’emparent de la ville.

Leur règne durera quatre siècles. Ils placeront dans l’enceinte du Château une garnison. Vue aérienne du site archéologique de Byblos À l’issue de la Première Guerre Mondiale, dès les années 1920, Byblos devenant une importante zone d’étude archéologique, le Château sera intégré au site comprenant la nécropole royale, les différents temples et artefacts.

Aux côtés du Château, d’autres structures médiévales existent, notamment le rempart médiéval entourant la vielle ville, le port et ses 2 tours à l’origine, dont il ne reste plus qu’une seule.

Ces 2 tours devaient pouvoir sceller le port à l’aide d’une chaine qui les liaient; l’Eglise de Sayedet al Naja où Notre Dame de la Délivrance; et la Cathédrale St Jean et son baptistère sur son côté

Lire la suite: https://libnanews.com/liban-histoire-patrimoine-chateau-croisade-byblos/

It is no longer Lebanon of 40 years ago: It won’t come back, and Not any better by a long shot

When the civil war broke in 1975, youth were Not yet hooked to the hooka (arkileh) and foreign house helpers from Ethiopia, Bangladesh, Philippines… (currently about 250,000 of them) were rare. Mostly, they were Syrians of poor families and pretty young 10-12 years-old.
Youth were Not addicted to drugs and parents had a say in the upbringing.
The clergies were Not riding fancy and expensive private cars.
A high level of cultured people were common occurrences and the spirit for reforms and change was very engaged in all forms of activities..
Theaters were flourishing and Lebanese directors of films and authors were famous in the Arab World.
Most of cultured ‘Arab” immigrants, fleeing coup d’etat, civil wars and dictatorships were flooding into Lebanon to exercise their free opinions.
Forty years later, Lebanon social structure has now changed to the worst. No going back for a long time.

كتبت مري القصيفي

حين انطلقت شرارة الحرب الأهليّة عام 1975، قيل إنّ فوفو ونونو (في إشارة إلى أنّ الشابّ المسيحيّ مدلّل غنّوج) لن يقفا في وجه الفلسطينيّين والأحزاب الوطنيّة…

لكن في تلك المرحلة لم تكن الأركيلةُ سيّدةَ الساحات، ولم تكن المساعِداتُ الأسيويّاتُ يجمعن الغسيل الوسخ عن الأرض، ولم تكن المخدّراتُ مخدّاتِ الأحلام السعيدة وصولًا إلى الموت السريع، ولم يكن الشذوذ الجنسيّ موضة، ولم تكن النكات السمجة والبذيئة آخرَ صيحة في عالم الحوار وعِلم الكلام، ولم تكنِ الأمّهاتُ رائداتِ نوادي الرياضة والتدليك…

في تلك المرحلة, قبل جينز البطريرك الراعي، وأغنيات الأب فادي تابت، وفضائح الرهبان الجنسيّة والماليّة، كان نسك الأودية والقمم ينجبُ ثورةَ المطران الأحمر غريغوار حدّاد وفلسفة المستقيم الرأي شارل مالك وفكرَ العالِم يواكيم مبارك وشعرَ اللاهوتيّ ميشال الحايك… وقداسة الشهداء.

في تلك المرحلة،
قبل إطلالات ميشال الحايك ومايك فغالي وليلى عبد اللطيف ومازن مكتبي وديمة صادق ومريم نور وتيتا لطيفة وأرزة الشدياق وماريو باسيل وجو معلوف وفادي وكارين ومايا دياب ومريم كلينك عبر شاشات محسوبة على المسيحيّين، كانت برامج فؤاد افرام البستاني وإيلي صليبي وعادل مالك وجان فيّاض وجان كلود بولس وكميل منسّى ورياض شرارة ونجيب حنكش وميشال معيكي ومي منسّى وشارلوت وازن الخوري وجاندارك فيّاض ونهى الخطيب سعادة وكابي لطيف، تؤنسُ ليلَ الناس وتنيرُ عقولهم…

في تلك المرحلة،
قبل “جسد” جمانة حدّاد (العلمانيّة الملحدة) كان (ت) هناك “شعر” أنسي الحاج (عاشق القدّيسة ريتا ومترجم نشيد الأناشيد) ويوسف الخال (مترجم الكتاب المقدّس)، وقبل متسوّلي شارع الحمرا كان هناك صحافيّون حوّلوا المقاهي منابرَ، وشعراءُ حوّلوا الأرصفة قصائدَ، وقبل حجابٍ يُخفي الوجوه كانت تنّورة “الميني جوب” تكشف الساقين …

في تلك المرحلة،
قبل ستريدا جعجع وميشال فرعون ونقولا فتّوش، كان الأخوان رحباني وزكي ناصيف ووليد غلمية وروميو لحّود يبنون لنا وطنًا شامخًا، ذكيًّا، عفيفًا، هادئًا،…

في تلك المرحلة،
قبل أن يصيرَ خروجُ التلامذة للنزهة تحت الأشجار نشاطًا تربويًّا تفتخر المدرسة بإنجازه، كان المسيحيّون يتبادلون قصص التدريس تحت سنديانات عتيقة تنشر فيئَها على كنائسَ تحضن العِلم… وكنّا مقتنعين بأنّنا معلّمو معلّمي العالم، كما أقنعنا أنطون سعادة وسعيد عقل، لا تلامذة أغبياء أمام مفتّش تربويّ من أميركا (أميركا نفسِها التي تفتّت بلادنا) أو فرنسا (فرنسا نفسِها التي استعمرتنا) نرجوه كي يزور مدارسَنا، ليعلّمنا كيف نعلّم…

في تلك المرحلة،
قبل أن يأسرَ المسيحيّون أنفسَهم بين نفقَي نهر الكلب وشكّا، كانت بعلبّك قِبلة مهرجاناتٍ أنشأتها السيّدة الأولى زلفا شمعون، وكانت صيدا حكايةً من حكايات سعيد عقل، وكانت صورُ أميرةُ البحار جرنَ معموديّةٍ خرجت منه أليسار، وكانت طرابلس عاصمةَ الشمال حيث القلب، لا عاصفةً تحمل غبارَ التعصّب وتذروه في عيون الإنسانيّة…

في تلك المرحلة،
وقبل أرحامٍ على صورة سوبرماركت أطفال، كانتِ النساء يُنجبن رجالًا وأخواتِ رجال، وقبل أثداءَ تشرئبُّ بالسيليكون، كانت الصدور تدرّ حليبًا صافيًا، وقبل رؤوس محشوّة بسخافات التلفزيون وترّهات التحاليل السياسيّة عبر تويتر وواتس آب، كانت العقولُ تحلّق بحثًا عن المعرفة…

في تلك المرحلة، كان فوفو ونونو وأترابُهما أطفالًا عندهم جدّاتٌ يُحكنَ الكنزات ويحكين القصص لا جدّاتٌ مدمنات فيسبوك، وكان عندهم أجدادٌ يزرعون الوعر، لا أجدادٌ يزرعون الطرقاتِ جيئة وذهابًا من الضجر، وكان عندهم آباء وأمّهات يجلسون قربهم عند الصلاة والدرس لا آباء وأمّهات غارقون في قضايا الخيانة والطلاق وتحديد نسب كلّ ولد من الأولاد..

.
في تلك المرحلة، فاجأ فوفو ونونو العالم بصمودِهما…
أمّا اليوم، فرجاءً لا تضعوا في رأسيهما أنّ الحربَ لعبةٌ سهلة، وأنّ البندقيّةَ خفيفةُ الحمل، وأنّ لبنانَ وطنُ الرسالة، بل حمِّلوهما جوازَي سفر (الشهادة المدرسيّة والجامعيّة أمر بسيط)، ليرحلا إلى بلد آمن،

أو على الأقل أقنعوهما بأنّ هذا الوطن لا يشبه في شيء ما كان عليه منذ أربعين عامًا…

وأنّنا – ما لم نُطلقْ ثورة روحيّة تربويّة اجتماعيّة فكريّة ثقافيّة – لن “نبقى هون مهما العالم قالوا”… وأنّ لبنان مش “راجع يتعمّر” على قياس لبنانَ أجدادهم، وأنّ الوقوف على أطلالِ “مجد لبنان أعطي له” يتطلّبُ رِجلين ثابتتين على أرض صلبة…

لا جناحَي طائرة تحمل الراعي وخرافَه بعيدًا عن مزارات شربل ورفقا والحرديني… ومتاحفِ جبران ونعيمة والريحاني… وأرزات بشرّي وجاج الباروك…
Marie Kossaifi

The Kurdish Barazani family in Iraq are Jews on both side of their parents and for many generations

No need to delve any further why this family is totally supporting Israel and destabilizing Iraq in all periods.

The current Iraq Kurdish “leader” Massoud Barazani was born in Israel from both Jewish parents and his father Moustafa was also Jewish from both parents and tried his best to obtain an autonomous status from central Iraqi government.

شيء من التاريخ ٠٠
—————
كانت المرشدة الدينية ( أَسْنَات البرزانية Asnaat al Barazaniyat  ) ام ملا مصطفى البرزاني ٠٠والتي عاشت في كردستان العراق ،كانت ابنة الحاخام صوموئيل برزاني في كردستان ، وتزوجت في وقت لاحق من الحاخام يعقوب مناحي ، الذي كان رئيساً لمدرسة دينية يهودية في العمادية وكان أستاذاً فيها ٠٠

كانت أَسْنَات البرزانية مشهورة لمعرفتها الشرائع الدينية اليهودية ، وبعد وفاة زوجها في وقت مبكّر ، أصبحت رئيسة المدرسة الدينية في العمادية لأنهاكانت من أكبر العلماء العارفين في التوراة ،

وكنيت بأسم ( أَسْنَات التنائية ) التي تعني عالمة وباحثة ٠٠وكانت شاعرة نظمت القصائد باللغة العبرية التي كانت تجيدها ٠٠


ان (( أَسْنَات اليهودية هذه هي أم ملا مصطفى البرزاني )) وان مصطفى البرزاني هرب الى أعمامه وأخواله في اسرائيل وتزوج منهم في طبرية

، وأنجب مسعود البرزاني والذي سماه أعمامه (( ناحوم )) وسماه ابوه (( مشعو )) ثم تغير الى مسعود البرزاني ٠٠

لذلك يعود الأصل في قوة العلاقات الإسرائيلية الكردستانية الى مسعود اليهودي اماً وأباً٠٠أو ما يسمى يهود (( الدونمي )) ، وان تمسك اليهود بالاكراد يعود الى مسعود الذي ولد في ( تل ابيب ) ويحمل الجنسية اليهودية وهو فخور بذلك !!


لقد قام مسعود بإرسال الشباب البرزانيين الذين هم قيادات الان في ( تل ابيب ) ومنهم نيجرفان برزاني وكوسرت رسول وخسرو وغيرهم الذين هم يهود في الأصل وتسري اليهودية في دمائهم !!


كما عمدت الموساد على تدريب الأسايش والبيشمرگة على ترهيب المسلمين وقتل العديد منهم ، وخاصة العلماء والأساتذة والمفكرين والضباط في الموصل وكركوك وديالى وبغداد٠٠

وكانت مليشيات الأسايش هي اليد اليهودية الصهيونية الضاربة للموساد في العراق ٠٠
هذه اطلالة بسيطة من نافذة صغيرة عن تاريخ العائلة البرزانية اليهودية ٠٠فلاغرابة من ان نرى رفعاً للعلم الصهيوني في كردستان العراق ٠٠


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