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Old Palestinian photos & films hidden in IDF archive show different history than Israeli claims

Old Palestinian photos & films hidden in IDF archive show different history than Israeli claims

Still from Rona Sela’s Looted and Hidden: Palestinian Archives in Israel,” a documentary about Palestinian photographs and films that were “captured” and deposited in sealed Israeli archives. They “were erased from consciousness and history” for decades, Sela says. It took a protracted legal struggle to make them public.

By Ofer AderetHa’aretz (Go to original article to see more photos)

Palestinian photos and films seized by Israeli troops have been gathering dust in the army and Defense Ministry archives until Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and art historian, exposed them. The material presents an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, she says.

The initial reaction is one of incredulity: Why is this material stored in the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Ministry Archive? The first item is labeled, in Hebrew, “The History of Palestine from 1919,” the second, “Paintings by Children Who Go to School and Live in a Refugee Camp and Aspire to Return to Palestine.” The third is, “Depiction of the IDF’s Treatment and Harsh Handling of Palestinians in the Territories.”

Of all places, these three reels of 16-mm film are housed in the central archive that documents Israel’s military-security activities. It’s situated in Tel Hashomer, near the army’s National Induction Center, outside Tel Aviv.

 IDF archive contains 2.7 million photos, 38,000 films

The three items are barely a drop in an ocean of some 38,000 films, 2.7 million photographs, 96,000 audio recordings and 46,000 maps and aerial photos that have been gathered into the IDF Archive since 1948, by order of Israel’s first prime minister and defense minister, David Ben-Gurion. However, a closer perusal shows that this particular “drop in the ocean” is subversive, exceptional and highly significant.

The footage in question is part of a collection – whose exact size and full details remain unknown – of “war booty films” seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in raids over the years, though primarily in the 1982 Lebanon War.

Recently, however, following a persistent, protracted legal battle, the films confiscated in Lebanon, which had been gathering dust for decades – instead of being screened in cinematheques or other venues in Israel – have been rescued from oblivion, along with numerous still photos. The individual responsible for this development is Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and researcher of visual history at Tel Aviv University.

Dr. Rona Sela spent decades researching, discovering, and exposing the confiscated films.

For nearly 20 years, Sela has been exploring Zionist and Palestinian visual memory. She has a number of important revelations and discoveries to her credit, which she has published in the form of books, catalogs and articles. Among the Hebrew-language titles are  “Photography in Palestine/Eretz-Israel in the ‘30s and ‘40s” (2000) and “Made Public: Palestinian Photographs in Military Archives in Israel” (2009). In March, she published an article in the English-language periodical Social Semiotics on, “The Genealogy of Colonial Plunder and Erasure – Israel’s Control over Palestinian Archives.”

Now Sela has made her first film, “Looted and Hidden: Palestinian Archives in Israel,” an English-language documentary that surveys the fate of Palestinian photographs and films that were “captured” and deposited in Israeli archives. It includes heretofore unseen segments from films seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in Beirut. These documentary records, Sela says, “were erased from consciousness and history” for decades.

Sela begins journey in 1998

Getting access to the films was not easy, Sela explains. Her archival journey began in 1998, when she was researching Zionist propaganda films and photos that sought to portray the “new Jew” – muscular, proudly tilling the soil – in contradistinction, according to the Zionist perception, to the supposedly degenerate and loutish Palestinian Arab.

“After spending a few years in the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem and in other Zionist archives, researching the history of Zionist photography and the construction of a visual propaganda apparatus supporting the Zionist idea, I started to look for Palestinian visual representation as well, in order to learn about the Palestinian narrative and trace its origins and influence,” she says.

That task was far more complicated than anyone could have imagined. In some of the Zionist films and photos, Sela was able to discern, often incidentally, episodes from Palestinian history that had “infiltrated” them, as she puts it. For example, in Carmel Newsreels (weekly news footage screened at local cinemas) from 1951, showing the settlement of Jews in Jaffa, demolished and abandoned Arab homes are clearly visible.

Subsequently, Sela spotted traces and remnants of a genuine Palestinian visual archive occasionally cropping up in Israeli archives. Those traces were not immediately apparent, more like an elusive treasure concealed here and there beneath layers of restrictions, erasures and revisions.

Khalil Rassass, father of Palestinian photojournalism

Thus, one day she noticed in the archive of the pre-state Haganah militia, stills bearing the stamp “Photo Rissas.” Digging deeper, she discovered the story of Chalil Rissas (Khalil Rassass, 1926-1974), one of the fathers of Palestinian photojournalism. He’s unknown to the general public, whether Palestinian or Israel, but according to Sela, he was a “daring, groundbreaking photographer” who, motivated by a sense of national consciousness, documented the pre-1948 Palestinian struggle.

Subsequently she found hundreds of his photographs, accompanied by captions written by soldiers or Israeli archive staff who had tried to foist a Zionist narrative on them and disconnect them from their original context. The source of the photographs was a Jewish youth who received them from his father, an IDF officer who brought them back with him from the War of Independence as booty.

The discovery was unprecedented. In contrast to the Zionist propaganda images that exalted the heroism of the Jewish troops and barely referred to the Palestinians, Rissas’ photographs were mainly of Palestinian fighters. Embodying a proud Palestinian stance, they focused on the national and military struggle and its outcome, including the Palestinians’ military training and deployment for battle.

“I realized that I’d come across something significant, that I’d found a huge cache of works by one of the fathers of Palestinian photography, who had been the first to give visual expression to the Palestinian struggle,” Sela recalls. “But when I tried to learn more about Chalil Rissas, I understood that he was a forgotten photographer, that no one knew the first thing about him, either in Israel or elsewhere.”

Sela thereupon decided to study the subject herself. In 1999, she tracked down Rissas’ brother, Wahib, who was working as a photographer of tourists on the Temple Mount / Haram a-Sharif in Jerusalem’s Old City. He told her the story of Chalil’s life. It turned out that he had accompanied Palestinian troops and leaders, visually documenting the battles fought by residents of the Jerusalem area during the 1948 War of Independence. “He was a young man who chose the camera as an instrument for changing people’s consciousness,” Sela says.

Ali Za’arur, forgotten Palestinian photographer

Around 2007, she discovered the archive of another forgotten Palestinian photographer, Ali Za’arur (1900-1972), from Azzariyeh, a village east of Jerusalem. About 400 of his photos were preserved in four albums. They also depicted scenes from the 1948 war, in which Za’arur accompanied the forces of Jordan’s Arab Legion and documented the battle for the Old City of Jerusalem. He photographed the dead, the ruins, the captives, the refugees and the events of the cease-fire.

In the Six-Day War of 1967, Za’arur fled from his home for a short time. When he returned, he discovered that the photo albums had disappeared. A relative, it emerged, had given them to Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek as a gift. Afterward, the Jerusalem Foundation donated them to the IDF Archive. In 2008, in an unprecedented act, the archive returned the albums to Za’arur’s family. The reason, Sela surmises, is that the albums were captured by the army in battle. In any event, this was, as far as is known, a unique case.

Sela took heart from the discoveries she’d made, realizing that “with systematic work, it would be possible to uncover more Palestinian archives that ended up in Israeli hands.”

That work was three-pronged: doing archival research to locate Palestinian photographs and films that had been incorporated into Israeli archives; holding meetings with the Palestinian photographers themselves, or members of their families; and tracking down Israeli soldiers who had taken part in “seizing these visual spoils” and in bringing them to Israel.

In the course of her research Sela met some fascinating individuals, among them Khadijeh Habashneh, a Jordan-based Palestinian filmmaker who headed the archive and cinematheque of the Palestinian Cinema Institute. That institution, which existed from the end of the 1960s until the early ‘80s, initially in Jordan and afterward in Lebanon, was founded by three pioneering Palestinian filmmakers – Sulafa Jadallah, Hani Jawhariyyeh and Mustafa Abu Ali (Habashneh’s husband) – who sought to document their people’s way of life and national struggle. Following the events of Black September in 1970, when the Jordanian army and the Palestine Liberation Organization fought a bloody internecine war, the filmmakers moved to Lebanon and reestablished the PCI in Beirut.

Meeting with Habashneh in Amman in 2013, Sela heard the story of the Palestinian archives that disappeared, a story she included in her new documentary. “Where to begin, when so much material was destroyed, when a life project falls apart?” Habashneh said to Sela. “I can still see these young people, pioneers, bold, imbued with ideals, revolutionaries, who created pictures and films and documented the Palestinian revolution that the world doesn’t want to see. They refused to be faceless and to be without an identity.”

The archive established by Habashneh contained forgotten works that documented the Palestinians’ suffering in refugee camps, the resistance to Israel and battles against the IDF, as well as everyday life. The archive contained the films and the raw materials of the PCI filmmakers, but also collected other early Palestinian films, from both before and after 1948.

Spirit of liberation

This activity reflects “a spirit of liberation and revolt and the days of the revolution,” Habashneh says in Sela’s film, referring to the early years of the Palestinian national movement. That spirit was captured in underground photographs and with a minimal budget, on film that was developed in people’s kitchens, screened in tents in refugee camps and distributed abroad. Women, children, fighters, intellectuals and cultural figures, and events of historic importance were documented, Habashneh related. “As far as is known, this was the first official Palestinian visual archive,” Sela notes.

In her conversation with Sela, Habashneh nostalgically recalled other, better times, when the Palestinian films were screened in a Beirut cinematheque, alongside other works with a “revolutionary spirit,” from Cuba, Chile, Vietnam and elsewhere. “We were in contact with filmmakers from other countries, who saw the camera as an instrument in the hands of the revolution and the people’s struggle,” she recalled.

“Interesting cultural cooperation developed there, centering around revolutionary cinema,” Sela points out, adding, “Beirut was alive with an unprecedented, groundbreaking cultural flowering that was absolutely astonishing in terms of its visual significance.”

IDF confiscates film archive

But in 1982, after the IDF entered Beirut, that archive disappeared and was never seen again. The same fate befell two films made by Habashneh herself, one about children, the other about women. In Sela’s documentary, Habashneh wonders aloud about the circumstances in which the amazing collection disappeared. “Is our fate to live a life without a past? Without a visual history?” she asks. Since then, she has managed to reconstruct a small part of the archive. Some of the films turned up in the United States, where they had been sent to be developed. Copies of a few others remained in movie theaters in various countries where they were screened. Now in her seventies, Habashneh continues to pursue her mission, even though, as she told Sela during an early conversation, “the fate of the archive remains a puzzle.”

What Habashneh wasn’t able to accomplish beginning in 1982 as part of a worldwide quest, Sela managed to do over the course of a few years of research in Israel. She began by locating a former IDF soldier who told her about the day on which several trucks arrived at the building in Beirut that housed a number of Palestinian archives and began to empty it out. That testimony, supported by a photograph, was crucial for Sela, as it corroborated the rumors and stories about the Palestinian archives having been taken to Israel.

The same soldier added that he had been gripped by fear when he saw, among the photos that were confiscated from the archive, some that documented Israeli soldiers in the territories. He himself appeared in one of them. “They marked us,” he said to Sela.

Soldiers loot Nashashibi photos & possessions, take photo from corpse

Another former soldier told Sela about an unusual photo album that was taken (or looted, depending on one’s point of view) from the home of the prominent Nashashibi family in Jerusalem, in 1948. The soldier added that his father, who had served as an IDF officer in the War of Independence, entered a photography studio and made off with its archive, while other soldiers were busy looting pianos and other expensive objects from the Nashashibis. Another ex-soldier testified to having taken a photo from the corpse of an Arab. Over time, all these images found their way to archives in Israel, in particular the IDF Archive.

Sela discovers IDF archive

In 2000, Sela, buoyed by her early finds, requested permission from that archive to examine the visual materials that had been seized by the army in the 1980s. The initial response was denial: The material was not in Israel’s hands, she was told.

“But I knew what I was looking for, because I had soldiers’ testimonies,” she says now, adding that when she persisted in her request, she encountered “difficulties, various restrictions and the torpedoing of the possibility of perusing the material.”

The breakthrough came when she enlisted the aid of attorneys Michael Sfard and Shlomi Zacharia, in 2008. To begin with, they received word, confirmed by the Defense Ministry’s legal adviser, that various spoils taken in Beirut were now part of the IDF Archive. However, Sela was subsequently informed that “the PLO’s photography archive,” as the Defense Ministry referred in general to photographic materials taken from the Palestinians, is “archival material on matters of foreign affairs and security, and as such is ‘restricted material’ as defined in Par. 7(a) of the Archives Regulations.”

Then, one day in 2010, Sela received a fax informing her that Palestinian films had been found in the IDF Archive, without elaboration, and inviting her to view them. “There were a few dozen segments from films, and I was astonished by what I saw,” she says. “At first I was shown only a very limited amount of footage, but it was indicative of the whole. On the basis of my experience, I understood that there was more.”

Israeli soldiers loot the archive of the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section as well as material from other PLO offices, September 1982.

A few more years of what Sela terms “endless nagging, conversations and correspondence” passed, which resulted in her being permitted to view dozens of segments of additional films, including some that apparently came from Habashneh’s archive. Sela also discovered another Palestinian archive that had been seized by the IDF. Established under the aegis of the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section, its director in the 1970s was the Lod-born painter and historian Ismail Shammout (1930-2006).

One of the works in that collection is Shammout’s own film “The Urgent Call,” whose theme song was written and performed by the Palestinian singer Zainab Shathat in English, accompanying herself on the guitar. “The film was thought to be lost until I found it in the IDF Archive,” says Sela, who describes “The Urgent Call” as “a cry about the condition of Palestine, its sons and its daughters.”

Viewing it takes one back in time to the late 1960s and early ‘70s, when the cinema of the Palestinian struggle briefly connected with other international revolutionary film movements.

 Legendary French filmmaker Jean-Luc Godard 

For example, in 1969 and 1970 Jean-Luc Godard, the legendary filmmaker of the French New Wave in cinema, visited Jordan and Lebanon several times with the Dziga Vertov Group of French filmmakers (named after the Soviet pioneer documentarian of the 1920s and ‘30s), who included filmmaker Jean-Pierre Gorin, who worked with Godard in his “radical” period. They came to shoot footage in refugee camps and in fedayeen bases for Godard’s film “Until Victory.” Habashneh told Sela that she and others had met Godard, assisted him and were of course influenced by his work. [Ed. note: Godard’s work on Palestine caused him to be accused of antisemitism by the Washington Post’s Richard Cohen and others. “In Hollywood there is no greater sin,” the Guardian reported.]

Along with “The Urgent Call” – excerpts from which are included in her “Looted and Hidden” documentary – Sela also found another Shammout work in the IDF Archive. Titled “Memories and Fire,” it chronicles 20th-century Palestinian history, “from the days depicting the idyllic life in Palestine, via the documentation of refugeehood, to the documentation of the organizing and the resistance. To use the terms of the Palestinian cinema scholar and filmmaker George Khleifi, the aggressive fighter took the place of the ill-fated refugee,” she adds.

Sela also found footage by the Iraqi director Kais al-Zubaidi, who worked for a time in the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section. His films from that period include “Away from Home” (1969) and “The Visit” (1970); in 2006 he published an anthology, “Palestine in the Cinema,” a history of the subject, which mentions some 800 films that deal with Palestine or the Palestinian people. [Ed. note: unfortunately it appears this book has never been translated into English.]

IDF seals the archive for decades

Some of the Palestinian movies in the IDF Archive bear their original titles. However, in many other cases this archival material was re-cataloged to suit the Israeli perspective, so that Palestinian “fighters” became “gangs” or “terrorists,” for example. In one case, a film of Palestinians undergoing arms training is listed as “Terrorist camp in Kuwait: Distribution of uniforms, girls crawling with weapons, terrorists marching with weapons in the hills, instruction in laying mines and in arms.”

Sela: “These films and stills, though not made by Jewish/Israeli filmmakers or military units – which is the central criterion for depositing materials in the Israeli army archive – were transferred to the IDF Archive and subordinated to the rules of the State of Israel. The archive immediately sealed them for many decades and cataloged them according to its terminology – which is Zionist, Jewish and Israeli – and not according to the original Palestinian terminology. I saw places where the word ‘terrorists’ was written on photographs taken by Palestinians. But after all, they do not call themselves as such. It’s part of terminological camouflaging, which subordinated their creative work to the colonial process in which the occupier controls the material that’s captured.”

Hidden Palestinian history

Sela’s discoveries, which are of international importance, are not only a research, documentation and academic achievement: They also constitute a breakthrough in regard to the chronicling of Palestinian history. “Palestinian visual historiography lacks many chapters,” she observes. “Many photographs and archives were destroyed, were lost, taken as spoils or plundered in the various wars and in the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

From her point of view, the systematic collecting of Palestinian visual materials in the IDF Archive “makes it possible to write an alternative history that counteracts the content created by the army and the military archive, which is impelled by ideological and political considerations.” In the material she found in the army archive, she sees “images that depict the history of the Palestinian people and its long-term ties to this soil and this place, which present an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, as well as their culture and history and the protracted tragedy they endured and their national struggle of many years.”

The result is an intriguing paradox, such as one often finds by digging deep into an archive. The extensive information that Sela found in the IDF Archive makes it possible to reconstruct elements of the pre-1948 existence of the Palestinians and to help fill in the holes of the Palestinian narrative up until the 1980s. In other words, even if Israel’s intention was to hide these items and to control the Palestinians’ historical treasures, its actions actually abet the process of preservation, and will go on doing so in the future.

Earlier groundbreaking discovery – confiscated Palestinians books & libraries

Sela’s research on visual archival materials was preceded by another groundbreaking study – dealing with the written word – conducted by Dr. Gish Amit, an expert on the cultural aspects of Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Amit chronicled the fate of Palestinian books and libraries that, like the photographs and films Sela found, ended up in Israeli archives – including in the National Library in Jerusalem.

In his 2014 book, “Ex-Libris: Chronicles of Theft, Preservation, and Appropriating at the Jewish National Library” (Hebrew), Amit trenchantly analyzes the foredoomed failure of any attempt to conceal and control the history of others. According to him, “an archive remembers its forgettings and erasures,” “documents injustice, and thus makes it possible to trace its paths” and “paves a way for forgotten histories which may, one day, convict the owners” of the documents.

However, Amit also sees the complexity of this story and presents another side of it. Describing the operation in which the Palestinian books were collected by Israeli soldiers and National Library personnel during the War of Independence, he raises the possibility that this was actually an act involving rescue, preservation and accessibility: “On the one hand, the books were collected and not burned or left in the abandoned houses in the Arab neighborhoods that had been emptied of their inhabitants. Had they not been collected their fate would have been sealed — not a trace of them would remain,” he writes, adding, that the National Library “protected the books from the war, the looting and the destruction, and from illegal trade in manuscripts.”

According to the National Library, it is holding about 6,500 Palestinian books and manuscripts, which were taken from private homes whose owners left in 1948. The entire collection is cataloged and accessible to the general public, but is held under the responsibility of the Custodian of Absentees’ Property in the Finance Ministry. Accordingly, there is no intention, in the near future, of trying to locate the owners and returning the items.

Israeli control over history

Sela views the existence of these spoils of war in Israel as a direct expression of the occupation, which she defines, beyond Israel’s physical presence in the territories, as “the control of history, the writing of culture and the shaping of identity.” In her view, “Israel’s rule over the Palestinians is not only geographic but extends also to culture and consciousness. Israel wants to erase this history from the public consciousness, but it is not being successful, because the force of the resistance is stronger. Furthermore, its attempts to erase Palestinian history adversely affect Israel itself in the end.”

At this point, Sela resorts to a charged comparison, to illustrate how visual materials contribute to the creation of personal and collective identity. “As the daughter of Holocaust survivors,” she says, “I grew up in a home without photographic historical memory. Nothing. My history starts only with the meeting of my parents, in 1953. It’s only from then that we have photos. Before that – nothing.

“I know what it feels like when you have no idea what your grandmother or grandfather looked like, or your father’s childhood,” she continues. “This is all the more true of the history of a whole people. The construction of identity by means of visual materials is very meaningful. Many researchers have addressed this topic. The fact is that Zionist bodies made and are continuing to make extensive and rational use of [such materials too] over a period that spans decades.”

Sela admits that there is still much to be done, but as far as she’s concerned, once a crack appeared in the wall, there was no turning back. “There is a great deal of material, including hundreds of films, that I haven’t yet got to,” she notes. “This is an amazing treasure, which contains information about the cultural, educational, rural and urban life of the Palestinian people throughout the 20th century – an erased narrative that needs to be restored to the history books,” she adds.

Asked what she thinks should be done with the material, she asserts, “Of course it has to be returned. Just as Israel is constantly fighting to retrieve what the Nazis looted from Jews in the Holocaust. The historical story is different, but by the same criterion, practice what you preach. These are cultural and historical materials of the Palestinian people.”

The fact that these items are being held by Israel “creates a large hole in Palestinian research and knowledge,” Sela avers. “It’s a hole for which Israel is responsible. This material does not belong to us. It has to be returned to its owners. Afterward, if we view it intelligently, we too can come to know and understand highly meaningful chapters in Palestinian history and in our own history. I think that the first and basic stage in the process of conciliation is to know the history of the Other and also your own history of controlling the Other.”

Defense Ministry response

A spokesperson for the Defense Ministry, which was asked to comment on the holdings in the IDF Archive, the archive contains 642 “war booty films,” most of which deal with refugees and were produced by the UNRWA (the United Nations refugee relief agency) in the 1960s and 1970s. The ministry also noted that 158 films that were seized by the IDF in the 1982 Lebanon War are listed in orderly fashion in the reading-room catalog and are available for perusal by the general public, including Arab citizens and Palestinians.

As for the Palestinian photographs that were confiscated, the Defense Ministry stated that there is no orderly record of them. There are 127 files of photographs and negatives in the archive, each of which contains dozens of photographs, probably taken between the 1960s and the 1980s, on a variety of subjects, including visits of foreign delegations to PLO personnel, tours of PLO delegations abroad, Palestinian art and heritage, art objects, traditional attire and Palestinian folklore, factories and workshops, demonstrations, mass parades and rallies held by the PLO, portraits of Arab personalities and PLO symbols.

The statement adds that a few months ago, crates were located that were stamped by their original owners, “PLO/Department of Information and National Guidance and Department of Information and Culture,” during the evacuation of the archive’s storerooms in the Tzrifin base.

A preview screening of Rona Sela’s film “Looted and Hidden – Palestinian Archives in Israel” will take place at 7 P.M. on July 3 at the Center for Contemporary Art, Tel Aviv. A Q&A with Sela and Sabri Jiryis, former director of the Palestine Research Center, in Beirut – from which the IDF also seized items – will follow.

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By Besieging The Palestinians, Israel Has Besieged Itself

Palestinians are besieged by walls and hundreds of checkpoints. But Israelis are besieged by fictions (and myths that never stood for any relevant archaeology or supporting documents).

Another round of violence has engulfed Gaza. After a botched intelligence operation in which one Israeli officer was killed as well as seven Palestinian members of Hamas, Hamas responded to Israel’s incursion by firing rockets into Israel.

Israel immediately instrumentalized a story of defense.

The Israeli army reported that the operation which sparked this round of attacks was “not intended to kill or abduct terrorists, but to strengthen Israeli security.”

And a bus that Hamas targeted was not full of soldiers but of “civilians.” Some Israeli agencies even tweeted a photo from 2015 which, conveniently, had some civilians standing nearby.

For us Palestinians, this portrayal by Israel is all too familiar. Whether it is Hamas or Palestinian children, the threat is always imminent and it’s always the fault of Palestinians.

But it’s not just Palestinians who are the victims of this messaging.

What’s interesting about this siege mentality is that through the messaging necessary to maintain the literal besieging of Palestinians, Israel has barricaded itself, and convinced its population that they are under a constant, relentless, existential threat.

We are besieged by walls. But Israelis are besieged by fictions — about us.

It’s true that rockets are being fired by Hamas towards Ashkelon. And yet, the Israeli narrative immediately divorced this reality from both Israel’s own botched military operation earlier this week, and the larger historical context of the onslaughts on Gaza.

This is by design.

It takes a lot of work for Israel to constantly portray itself as the victim. The IDF has a $17 billion budget, after all. Military prowess is one of Israel’s major exports, hitting a record $9 billion last year. (Israel weapon military complex is the nemesis for constant pre-emptive wars on States bordering Palestine).

Yet this erasure of Israel’s military strength relative to the Palestinians is part and parcel of a larger systematic denial — of the fact that Palestinians are living under siege.

The city of Gaza has been under a decade long siege that has turned it to an open air prison. The West Bank is increasingly asphyxiated through the acceleration of illegal Israeli settlements. (Why? can any settlement by apartheid occupiers be legal? The UN has said Not legal on many occasions)

And even Palestinians with Israeli citizenship are criminalized by their Palestinian identity and treated as second and third class citizens.

As a Palestinian, I am all too familiar with the suffocating reality of living in Palestine.

One of the most striking and painful aspects of maneuvering the daily routines whilst under occupation is this feeling of being blocked and isolated.

I cannot travel half an hour in any direction without being met with an Israeli checkpoint and armed soldiers demanding identification, sometimes strip-searching Palestinians and in certain instances even lethally attacking us under the pretext of security defense.

It is also difficult to travel outside Palestine; Israel controls exit points and the issue of documentation and visas.

Then there’s the Wall of Shame, another example of Israel’s attempt to brand its aggression as defense. Objectively speaking, it is a wall that enforces an apartheid system between Israelis and Palestinians.

On the Palestinian side of the wall, Jewish Israelis and Palestinians — even those with Israeli citizenship — report to two separate legal systems, and are fundamentally unequal before the law.

This doesn’t stop the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs from calling it a “security fence.” In fact, the violence of the wall depends upon this fiction.

For the wall doesn’t just lock Palestinians in. It locks Israeli citizens out of the truth of what their government is doing.

It shields Israelis not just from Palestinians, but from the visuals of what the occupation looks like — even from the its very existence.

It’s a wall, but it’s also a mask.

The Israeli side of the apartheid wall is neatly tucked behind trees and colorful murals, serving as a cloak for Israel, a mental siege that ensures that Israelis as a population are Not confronted with the product of their oppression.

This curtain (of a wall) is strategically arranged to not only impede Palestinians, but to conceal from the Israeli populace what is happening to us Palestinians.

This is intentional and strategic, like the Big Red signs set up by the Israeli government which warn Israeli citizens against entering Palestinian areas, which pose a “danger to [their] lives.”

My friends and I, while driving through the West Bank, often laugh half-heatedly as we recognize how tragic these signs are. Not only do they dehumanize us and reduce us to monsters, but they contain no reference to the occupation.

But they are there for a reason: They reinforce Israel’s narrative that its (Jewish) citizens are besieged by monsters, and they hide the fact of the occupation from anyone who might question it.

These are one and the same thing. For the violence perpetrated against us depends upon a narrative that denies it.

It’s in this way that our literal besiegement pushes Israeli society into its own metaphoric blockade.

What the Israeli government is doing is filtering access to reality, in a similar fashion to the authoritarian regimes of our time, re-shaping its own actions to fit an image of defense, safeguarding, national stability and security.

And like those other regimes, Israel does not only enact violence and violations on the Palestinians whom it oppresses. It also creates an entire society that besieges itself in a state of denial, fortified by a kaleidoscope of excuses that range from dehumanizing the other to drawing on historical traumas to isolating themselves and removing any prospects of self-reflection.

It becomes so routinized and the horrors so well concealed that new generations begin to simply act, without questions or memories of the bloody past, except through the lens of victorious battles and honorable soldiers.

What new generations of Israelis are left with are the Israeli flags that surround their homes — while Palestinian flags are often banned and criminalized — and an inherited imperative to “protect.”

There is no context to what they’re protecting from, only the anxiety from the monsters behind the wall. And when Palestinians rise up or protest, for Israelis, it’s a personal attack on them, not the occupation they sustain.

For the West Bank and Gaza, the siege is acutely visible and tangible. It’s meant to remind us that we are under Israeli control.

But on the Israeli end, it’s more subtle; it’s designed to make Israelis forget.

It is this concealment and forgetfulness that is the point of departure for Israeli policy, from the apartheid wall to the latest Nation State bill.

And the simple fact is that it’s not just hurting us. This isolation transcends Palestinians. You can see it clearly when Israel bans the entry of solidarity activists, even when they’re Jewish. Or when Israeli policy is exported abroad to silence activists from speaking out against the human rights violations enacted by Israel. You see it in the targeting of activists by sites such as Canary Mission that finds activists promoting “hatred.” These methods are exporting the siege mentality.

This, too, is not shocking. Authoritarianism is on the rise; what Israel is exporting is in high demand.

Israelis must be brave enough to challenge themselves and truly think about what it is they are preserving and fighting for. Many Israelis have gone beyond these justifications, taking on the responsibility of choosing not to remain in denial. Others can also join this process of un-learning and truly confront the reality they’ve constructed. Even if the last Palestinian is gone, Israel will still have lost.

It is of utmost importance for Israelis to challenge their own besiegement, not even for the sake of Palestinians, but for the sake of their own humanity.

No, You Can’t Be A Feminist And A Zionist

Palestinian Women Are Harassed And Humiliated At Checkpoints. Here Are A Few Of Their Stories.

Mariam Barghouti is a writer based in Ramallah.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward.

Read more: https://forward.com/opinion/414142/by-besieging-the-palestinians-israel-has-besieged-itself/

Tidbits and Notes. Part 252

Note: My previous large file titled “Tidbits and notes. Part 211” has vanished after I pressed Leave instead of Cancel. WordPress,com support system was of No help. If you know how I can retrieve the file, I’ll be very appreciative.

The world’s billionaires made more money in 2017 than in any year in recorded history. A UBS report says billionaires become 20% richer last year. (Mind you that their number is increasing crazily since China and India billionaires are closing the gap with the colonial powers of USA and Europe combined)

Seulement en Libye et en Somalie, les deux puissance au monde, le sabre et l’esprit, ont ete’ vaincus

Dans les democracies “equitables”, le sabre et l’esprit prennent la releve: pas tout de suite et pas a chaque election

Ces nuits passe’ en souvenir du polissage des obsessions, ceritudes et doutes

Invariable positions in politics should be reduced to the bare minimum: all issues (economics, finance, trade, social equity, election laws…) need to be ripe for community-wide discussions and referendum.

In Middle-East politics, I have two invariable positions, based on daily confirmation for many decades: 1) Israel is our Existential enemy, and 2) Greater Syria forms one Nation with One people (current Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan and Iraq)

The successive governments in Lebanon, in order Not to destabilize the sectarian ratios, got hold of the UN resolution 193 for “the right of the Palestinians to return to Palestine” by forbidding the Palestinians citizenship and even the rights to work within Lebanon. Palestinian refugees were permitted restrictive economic sectors within their delimited ghetto camps!

Palestinians refugees would never be a burden to Lebanon or its security if Lebanon refused to cooperate fully with the wishes of this Zionist State.

The idea of creating Israel by England around 1907, with instigation of the US Evangelical sects, was when England realized that it needed a buffer zone to protect its interests in India through Egypt by eliminating any kind of unification of the Middle-Eastern people in the foreseeable future. 

The Balfour declaration in 1917 (through the pressures of USA Wilson) was to give it body by naming the owners of this buffer zone; indeed, the “Jews arrived carrying their Bible as an act of ownership” for the Prime Real Estate called Palestine. But first, Churchill had to create the Saudi Kingdom and then the monarchy in Jordan.

In fact, and so far, Israel is the only state in the UN that refused to define its borders; I wonder if Israel can be considered a legitimate State under the UN requirements.

Dr. Jamil Berry comprehends the caste system of Lebanon which is represented by 19 closed sect castes (most of them headed by a militia/mafia leader of the civil war).  This caste system views as anathema for the State of Lebanon to establishing a strong central government because their respective free float interests would be imperiled.

Thus, Lebanon is meant to experience a civil war every 30 years so that these caste leaders could destroy and exhaust any accumulation of energy and good will for instituting a stable governing system meant to cater for all the citizens.

 

Three generations after the Nakba, still struggling to define home

For Madlaine Ahmad, born and raised in Doha to Palestinian parents with Jordanian citizenship, the answer to ‘where are you from?’ is never simple, and always seems to be wrong.

By Madlaine Ahmad

From left to right, the author's aunt, mother and grandmother on the land they used to harvest in Jordan. (Photo courtesy of the author.)

From left to right, the author’s aunt, mother and grandmother on the land they used to harvest in Jordan. (Photo courtesy of the author.)

I changed my Facebook profile picture the other day. It was a photo of a fair woman covered in gold and henna. It would have been clear to anyone from bilad al-sham (the Levant) that she was from the Gulf region, where women dress up a certain way.

“How beautiful,” one person remarked. The comment that followed, by a Palestinian girl friend, surprised me: “Women are beautiful, but the hands of our women in particular are the most beautiful.”

I didn’t understand what she meant, and a discussion ensued: “If you lined up everybody’s hands side by side, I would still be able to distinguish those of the Palestinian fallaha (peasant), and I would feel an immense love for her.”

We Palestinians stand out in many ways: with our scorched arms after the harvest, our diaspora, the occupation, our widows and orphans, and death – so much death.

Usually, the word “Palestinian” elicits images of a child hurling stones at a military tank, and the perception is that only Palestinians who live within the borders of Sykes-Picot (division of control of the region between France and England during WWI) still suffer, that those who freed themselves from these invented borders managed to survive and thrive. Well, let me tell you about my experience, as a Palestinian whose ancestors escaped.

My Palestine story is brief. It does not contain death, or soldiers, or hurling rocks. I have never had to face the occupier, but I also haven’t been fortunate enough to visit any part of Palestine.

During the 1948 war, my grandfather fled with his family to Karak in Jordan. They were told they would be able to return in a matter of weeks. They set up tents and planted wheat and waited for Palestine, but Palestine never came. In a heartbeat, the Palestinian dream was lost, and they became victims of history, uprooted, with nothing but a key to a home they would never return to.

They moved to Amman, where they tried to forge a new life with their 9 children. They could only afford a two-bedroom house – one room for the chickens they were raising, and another to sleep the family of 11.

My father told me how, at 13, he helped build the railway that still functions to this day. He told me how he would study under the street lights at night, because they did not have electricity at home. It was painful for him when he had to move to Lebanon to complete his studies. Upon graduating, he returned to Jordan, where he served in the military for two years.

Soon after, the dream of a job opportunity in the Gulf presented itself, and he moved with my mother to Qatar. There, I was born. I was raised in Doha as a Jordanian – my official papers had no mention of my Palestinian heritage.

My father would say we were from Palestine, but who ever paid attention to my father’s words? Whenever I was asked, “where are you from, Madlaine?” I would say, “from Jordan.”

The author's father, right, in the Jordanian military service. (Photo courtesy of the author.)

The author’s father, right, in the Jordanian military service. (Photo courtesy of the author.)

In 2010, a dispute developed between the two countries; Qatar would revoke all work permits for Jordanians, and expel them back.

I arrived in Jordan two years short of 20, thinking I had finally come home! It had not occurred to me that the dispute which ended my father’s work prospects would also destroy my childhood memories. I had never lived in Jordan, and was new to everything in my homeland, which, I soon learned, it was not.

Now, when asked “where are you from, Madlaine?” I simply say, “from here.” I am then confronted with a more precise question: “Which province in Jordan are you from?” To which I feel compelled to say, “I am Palestinian, originally from the city of Hebron.”

I soon learned that, whatever my answer, it would be the wrong thing to say in any situation.

If you say you’re Palestinian, you are usually reprimanded for denying a favor: “You [Palestinians] came here, were raised here, given the chance to study and work – is that not enough to warrant your assimilation?” But if I were to say that I’m Jordanian, I wouldn’t hear the end of it from fellow Palestinians who would accuse me of denying my identity and “selling the cause” for some privileges.

In my journey of discovery, I learned of two sports clubs in Jordan. Al-Wehdat was established in 1956, at the Wehdat Palestinian refugee camp, and remained a subsidiary of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. It won’t be an exaggeration to say that every Palestinian in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan roots for Al-Wehdat. Perhaps they see themselves in the team, see proof that refugees, too, can succeed, and therefore find it easier to accept the stamp of diaspora. And then there’s the Faisaly Sports Club, which enjoys support and admiration from all Jordanians.

Any match between these two teams is a war: a cold war precedes the games, and then it turns into a full-blown battle on social media, where Palestinians are nothing short of bullied, with statements like, “pack your mulukhiyyahs and make your way home through the bridge.”

They mean the King Hussein Bridge, which most of our ancestors walked when they sought refuge. There have been plenty of violent incidents in the stands at these games, leaving many wounded, and some even dead.

I got engaged to my ex-husband – who was Jordanian-Jordanian, not Palestinian- Jordanian, as I am – after a love affair that lasted for months. His family, however, did not approve of a Palestinian woman. But I am Jordanian, I would think to myself. I don’t know what the trick was, but eventually, they accepted me.

Still, I would have to sit in their living room and endure the hurtful statements of news commentators, who would say things like “Palestinians are to be blame for selling their lands,” or “they [Palestinians] are all agents.” Perhaps his family thought that, now that they’ve accepted me as a Jordanian, I did not have the right to oppose those statements or defend Palestinians.

Once, when my husband and I were living in Saudi Arabia, my mother-in-law and her brother came for a visit on their way to Hajj (pilgrimage). As we walked down one of the streets, some souvenirs in the colors of the Jordanian flag caught their eyes. “Why don’t you get one for yourself,” suggested my mother-in-law, “since the colors of our flag are the same as those of the Palestinian one.” Her brother took offence: “Palestine? What is your nationality, Madlaine?” I said I carry a Jordanian passport. “Then you will buy these on the grounds that you are Jordanian.”

I had given up on talking back, or making any statements at all, really. Until I gave birth to my son. As any mother, I felt the need to pass on my culture and history to my child.

My husband and his family were not pleased with that. They made it clear to me that my son was Jordanian, with no stake in the Palestinian struggle. He is even to be prevented from listening to Al-Wehdat’s anthem. For this and several other reasons, I divorced my husband.

We fled from the occupier to find ourselves in countries that consider us, Palestinians, occupiers. They see us as people who have robbed them of their livelihood and stole their lands. As if our ancestors did not harvest this land with them, as if we had not built their railways with them, or studied in the flickers of street lights to complete our education, or served in their armies.

My childhood was wiped out because the country that saw me as Jordanian expelled me, but I came here only to discover that I am not Jordanian. That for my son to be considered Jordanian, he must not have any association with his mother’s Palestinian roots. Not everyone who fled Palestine has managed to survive, and the occupation is not the only source of our oppression. I can no longer tell where I am from, for my homeland denies my identity, and I have no evidence of my heritage.

Note: The creation of this monarchic Jordan State was the brain child of Churchill in order to eventually allow refugee Palestinians to settle in after the creation of Israel. Thus Jordan was created 2 decades before Israel when France and England enjoyed a mandate over all this Near-East region, including Iraq and a large part of Turkey.

Madlaine Ahmad is Jordanian of Palestinian descent. She lives in Jordan, where she works as a translator for local online platforms, and edits for aljazeera.net. She is interested in covering marginalized voices in society in a way that humanizes their experiences.

Related stories

Current technology processes: Anathema to religious and scientific consensus procedures?

Is fearing death a catalyst to struggle for life?

The initial draft of this article was first written in January 4, 2008.

What we may discern is that cultural transformation is the byproduct of practical necessities.

For example, by the time humankind got conscious of the ephemeral of life and that death is a certainty. Then religion and the sacred were created to cope with the consequences that resulted from that conscious fear, on the ground that otherwise no security or peace could prevail within any organized society.

Religion might not have been invented right after we got conscious of our mortality, but necessarily when modern man recognized his individuality and stopped producing mass hand tools for the tribe and took special care for individual designs, specialty carved symbols on the tools, particular color combinations and drawing and painting that reflected feelings and awe toward the environment and the forces of nature.

Painting and sculpting and drawing symbols were the precursors for establishing language as a practical necessity, first verbally and then the written language.

I believe that institutionalized religions grew after verbal communication was feasible by means of languages to harangue communities against the other infidels.

Death is chaos and life is a struggle to feed on death and restructuring a semblance of spiritual cohesion.   Metaphysics, the precursor to religion, is but this longing to providing continuity between life and death so that our logical mind does not breakdown to smithereens: Even now, sciences cannot provide definite and exact answers to everything.

Metaphysics must have been substantiated because many people experienced a few supernatural events and realized that what is being sensed is not the whole story.

Religion, as a conscious culture, utilized the metaphysical potentials in man to codify its system of beliefs and then codifying a system of daily behavior, rules, and regulations.

Unfortunately, what was necessary at a period was utilized necessarily to dominate other tribes that believed or adopted
different totems or sacred rites.

This irreversible trend that practical necessities generate cultures with necessary counter productive results to
our evolution is the foundation to our mental shortcomings to progress ethically and morally.

Religion and science have the same roots in the conscious and, though they evolved with different methodologies, they
adopted the same procedure for impacting on the mind.

First, they both established consensus on a few premises, struggled hard not change their system of beliefs and then waited for a paradigm shift to transform the traditional culture.

The revolution of Luther and Calvin against the concept of Papal infallibility left intact the core obscurantist culture of Catholicism which is viewing knowledge with suspicion, and specifically scientific knowledge, as the work of the devil.

In fact Protestantism went as far as considering philosophy as compromising the human mind.

The fundamental revolution came when people realized that if the Pope is fallible then religion is consequently fallible and the quest for answers to fill the void in knowledge was resurrected with sciences.

Hence, this frenzy in Europe, at about that period, to translating the Arabic books and relying on the Arab scholars to re-translate the Greek classical work into Latin was the beginning of the Renaissance period in Europe.

Thus, the period of the Renaissance in Europe was a revolution against the failure of the Christian religion to satisfying the cultural transformation after the crusading campaigns and the affinity of the Arabic culture in Spain.

Second, most paradigm shifts could be classified as cultural transformations, but a few could be conceived as cultural evolution: a qualitative jump in our knowledge of nature and man such as using symbols, verbal communications as a language, the written language, the concept that man and earth are not the center of the universe, that time is an intrinsic element of space such that no two events can be said to occur simultaneously, that man is not wholly master of his decisions, and that man is neither the crown of creation nor the peek of evolution.

If there is paradise, an after death phase, it must be located within our universe where matters and energy interact and transfer. However, if there is hell, it must be within our mind: there is no hell more terrible and more powerful than our conscious feeling of having committed an egregious sin or guilt.

Since nature does not provide a moral order to observe and emulate, then even all our power for abstraction cannot
generate the concept of evil.

I believe that the notion of evil is a culture inherited by osmosis to our subconscious by the uninterrupted religious
culture that constituted the fundamental basis to organized communities through the millennia.

Sin is a concrete notion because it is associated with punishment and ostracism but the notion of doing good remains relatively abstract and any remuneration is not immediate and not palpable.

That is why many religions tried to great extent to emphasize the reward of commendable actions in their teachings but the institutions had to revert to admonitions and focus on the negative deeds because fear has a much more efficient impact on the mind of the believers and long lasting effects.

Can anyone comprehend the state of an Alzheimer patient who lost all his memory and even his identity and the meaning of his environment?

And yet, the Alzheimer patient carries energies to keep him alive. Though for what use and what purpose?

Can we conceive of a paradise without prior memories of feelings, senses and experiences?

Thousands of the early Christians faced their martyrdom boldly simply because they were convinced that they will be resurrected in the third day as Christ did and in the flesh!

Do Muslims go to martyrdom without the conviction of immediate rewards?

The same process is taking place with technological breakthroughs. While we experienced some of the benefits and
the many harms of religion, we are at the beginning phase for experiencing the benefits and harms of technologies that we can invent and produce but do not comprehend or grasp the consequences.

We are traversing a dangerous period without adequate check and balance on the production of new inventions and tampering with human genome and agricultural and animal cloning.

Thus the consequences might be irreversible this time around on our survival.

We have created enough tools, processes, and know-how to invent all kind of products without the need of thorough
theoretical foundations. It is like a machine that invents new machines with what it already knows and the vast array of tools it has in its arsenal so that theory is becoming an after thought because science requires a rational model.

Furthermore, experiments require abundance of time, financial and human resources that validation and testing on consequences to human health, safety and survival is dragging a long backlog that can never catch up with what is thrown in the market place.

For example, developed States have realized that a process for testing and validating the consequences of pharmaceutical products before marketing them was a must to safeguard health and safety of the consumers; but even that process was not adequate enough or ethically stringently applied when pharmaceutical new products were
tested in the third world populations.

Technology is the new metaphysical ideology for defining youth.

You are as young as you can keep up with new updates.  How fast and how readily you can manipulate and use new gadgets is the main criterion for youthfulness, for keeping your membership in the new cult.

The technology cult means that you should have faith in what the market is providing you in updates and inventions because ultimately it is you who is testing, validating and selling the technology at your own risk.

Technology is basically a cultural revolution against abstract or theoretical works, whether in religion, metaphysics, or sciences, and its motto is “There is no good or evil in technology. Let us keep inventing and let the less expensive and quicker trial and error method sort out what is beneficial to mankind.

Let youth, these flexible and adaptable mind, these spiritually and culturally ignorant spirits, and these energetically undaunted and bold souls, be our guinea pigs as they used to be historically”.

The institutional organizations that have the responsibility of reviewing and testing the consequences of any invention and discussing the ethical foundations are feeling the squeeze of mass revolts on any attempt to tampering with the new technological and marketing trend.

At this junction, religious fundamentalism from all kinds, have reacted to the slow process of civic organizations to confronting vigorously the new technological cult.

Religious fundamentalism is raising the banner for fighting any breakthrough that is practically overrunning all the red
lines erected by religions.

The technological cult feels unstoppable and mondialization is its vehicle and many institutionalized tyrants will come
to power, under the guise of confronting dangerous technologies, and backed by the impotent minds, scared and lazy, only to use it in order to sustain and spread this reign of terror.

Technology is running wild and fast and becoming utterly non affordable by its frequent updates. The best check is a
moratorium on the greed of the multinationals to slow down this process for humankind to assimilate and digest this drastic and worldwide cultural transformation.

On a lighter note, I believe that there is a dichotomy of how the two genders view the meaning of life; man thinks that life is a problem that needs to be solved while woman view life as a secret to be uncovered.

Woman whispers into the ears of her lover the mysterious clue “love is everything” and then the man picks up on that clue and starts singing “All we need is love; love is all we need”.

Woman whispers “I need to feel protected” and then man gets all rattled figuring how to resolve the practical difficulties for survival.

The Grand strategy behind creating Saudi Kingdom in 1923 by England and USA

Winston Churchill created Saudi Kingdom, the Jordan monarchy and Israel. Why Jordan? So that Israel won’t have direct borders with Saudi Kingdom and the secret is kept of the total alliance of the Wahhabi Saudi Kingdom and Israel.
Isaak ben Zevi has confirmed that the Wahhabi sect is indeed a Jewish sect and follow the Jewish customs.
Percy Cox was the mentor of the first Saudi monarch Abdel Aziz

الوهابية وآل سعود..

كيف استطاع الباحث محسن الأمين في كتابه أن يكشف الوهابية ويهودية آل سعود رغم عدم توفر الوثائق التي ظهرت الآن

من وثائق أسياد الوهابية :

1- قال الرئيس “إسحاق بن زفي” وهو الرئيس الثاني للدولة اليهودية الإسرائيلية قال في كتابه ((الدونمة)) وقد ألفه بالعبرية… وترجمه إلى الإنكليزية اليهودي “إسحاق عبادي” وأصدرته دار النشر اليهودية في أمريكا عام 1957م ، وأعيد طبعه مرة ثانية عام 1961م .

يقول إسحاق بن زفي مؤلف كتاب الدونمة بالحرف الصفحة 232:

((هناك طوائف دينية لا تزال تعتبر نفسها جزءاً من بني إسرائيل، وأعضاء هذه الطوائف – رغم اختلاف أسلوبهم عن مجموعة الشعب اليهودي – استمرّوا على إقامة شعائر الدين اليهودي ، ومن هؤلاء طائفة السامريين الذين يعتنقون صراحة الدين الموسوي ، ومنهم طائفة هامّة أخرى هي طائفة الوهابية وهي مسلمة في الظاهر إلا أنها تقيم سرّا الشعائر اليهودية)).

2- قال حاييم وايزمان وهو الرئيس الأول للدولة اليهودية الإسرائيلية في مذكراته:
“إن إنشاء الكيان السعودى هو مشروع بريطانيا الأول.. والمشروع الثانى من بعده إنشاء الكيان الصهيونى بواسطته”…

ويضيف نقلا عن تشرشل الرئيس الأسبق للحكومة البريطانية؛ والذي كان له دور أساسي وبارز في قيام الكيان الوهابي السعودى والكيان العنصري الصهيونى. في 11/3/1932 قال تشرشل:

أريدك أن تعلم يا وايزمان إننى وضعت مشروعا لكم ينفذ بعد نهاية الحرب – الحرب العالمية الثانية- يبدأ بأن أرى ابن سعود سيدا على الشرق الاوسط وكبير كبرائه؛ على شرط أن يتفق معكم أولا… ومتى قام هذا المشروع عليكم أن تأخذوا منه ما أمكن وسنساعدكم في ذلك…. وعليك كتمان هذا السر, ولكن انقله إلى روزفلت… وليس هناك شئ يستحيل تحقيقه عندما أعمل ﻷجله انا و روزفلت رئيس الولايات المتحدة الامريكية….

3- قول القنصل البريطاني ديكسون في كتابه ((الكويت وجاراتها)) الصفحة 274:
إن الملك عبد العزيز كان يخاطب بيرسي كوكس كأنه أستاذه ومربيه!!!
يقول الملك عبد العزيز لبيرسي كوكس بالحرف:

((أنت مثل أبي وأمي فقد صنعتني من الصفر وأوصلتني إلى ما وصلت إليه))

وحين حصل خلاف بينهما حول مسألة الحدود قال له بيرسي كوكس بلهجة السيد : ((أنا الذي أحدّد الحدود)).
عندها انهار عبد العزيز وقال لبيرسي كوكس :((لو أمرتني بالتنازل عن نصف مملكتي لنفّذت أمرك!!)).

ألا ترون أصدقائي
كيف كانوا يتكلمون عن الوهابية كأنها إحدى مفرداتهم وكأنها من أخواتهم …..

هنا في هذه المقالة أرسل آلاف التحايا لروح العلامة العلامة الشيخ محسن الأمين الذي كشف حقيقة آل سعود باكراً منذ بداية الستينات “رغم أنه لم ير هذه الوثائق التي تثبت يهودية الوهابية وعمالتها “لإسرائيل” ولأمريكا وبريطانيا” في كتابه (( كشف الارتياب في أتباع محمد بن عبد الوهاب)) الطبعة الثانية 1962م وتساءل في مقدمة كتابه:

1- لماذا يكفّر السعوديون المسلمين ويستحلون دماءهم وأعراضهم وأموالهم ؟…
2- لماذا لم يحارب السعوديون إلا العرب ولم يخربوا إلا ديارهم ولم ينتهكوا إلا حرماتهم؟
3- لماذا وقف السعوديون هذا الموقف المخزي من كارثة فلسطين فكانوا حربا على أهلها؟
4- لماذا أبى ملكهم عبد العزيز بن سعود أن يهدد بقطع النفط يوم كان التهديد حاسماً في منع تقسيم فلسطين؟
5- لماذا رفض أن يساهم بدينار واحد في انقاذ الأرض المقدّسة؟
6- لماذا رفض أن يبعث جيشاً سعودياً مع جيوش العرب الداخلة إلى فلسطين؟
لماذا كان هذا الجندي السعودي جاهزا للهجوم على أي بلد عربي يقف موقفا حازماً مع الاستعمار؟..
7- لماذا أنشأ الإستعمار آل سعود في بلاد الحجاز …..

عندما كنت دوما أفكر بهذه الأسئلة وخاصة بعدما رأيت مشايخ الوهابية كيف يفتون بالتحريض والقتل على المسلمين ولم نر لهم فتوى واحدة ضد إسرائيل؟!
—————-
هكذا تساءل الشيخ محسن الأمين في كتابه “كشف الارتياب في أتباع محمد بن عبد الوهاب” حيث أنه توصل للحقيقة من خلال أفعال وفتاوى الوهابية ضد الإسلام والعروبة…..

Story of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine. Part 2

Sami, the bedouin

One can’t understand the Palestinian/Zionist conflict (an existential case of an implanted colonial State in our midst) without bringing the whole geopolitical context that happened for a century (and even beyond that) before the actual ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948,(or the creation of this colonial implanted State in the Near-East)

Seeing that their (buy and sell) project wouldn’t work, The zionist colonizers needed and did an extreme violent path that can be summarized in two things as Ilan Pappe illustrates:

Palestinian Nakba

1. A detailed information about the local Palestinian inhabitants which (he Jewish National Fund JNF was asked to compile)

…. the JNF Arab village (Palestinian) a inventory that was a blueprint completed by the late 1930s that included the topographic location of each village with detailed information including husbandry, cultivated land, number of trees, quality of fruit, average amount of land per family, number of cars, shop owners, Palestinian clans and their political affiliation, descriptions of village mosques and names of their imams, civil servants and more.

The final inventory update was finished in 1947 with lists of “wanted” persons in each village targeted in 1948 for search-and-arrest operations with those seized summarily shot on the spot in cold blood.

2. to create several terrorist gang groups like LehiIrgun and Stern which started operating as early as 1920s by assassinating the Palestinians that posed an obstacle to the zionist colonization project.

Ben Gorion
Stated 11 years before the actual ethnic cleansing

Now, having done so .. the zionist needed a systematic plan for the actual ethnic cleansing which started way before 1948:

President Franklin D. Roosevelt (enough time before the actual cleansing of Palestine) put it in December 1942 , “I actually would put a barbed wire around Palestine, and I would begin to move the Arabs out of Palestine…. Each time we move out an Arab we would bring in another Jewish family…” And this was exactly what happened with planned massacres !!

The plan was set:

“Red House” in Tel-Aviv that became headquarters for the Hagana, the dominant Zionist underground paramilitary militia during the British Mandate period in Palestine between 1920 and 1948 when the Jewish state came into being.

He details how David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister, met with leading Zionists and young Jewish military officers on March 10, 1948 to finalize plans to ethnically cleanse Palestine that unfolded in the months that followed including “large-scale (deadly serious) intimidation; laying siege to and bombarding villages and population centres; setting fire to homes, properties and goods; expulsion; demolition; and finally, planting mines among the rubble to prevent any of the expelled inhabitants from returning.”

Nakba 2

During the ethnic cleansing of the native Palestinians some 70 documented massacres ( Israeli Massacres on Palestinians ) were perpetrated by the Zionist terrorist groups in a systematic way to terrorize the natives out of their homes and villages:

Once the ethnic cleansing begun, the whole ugly business took six months to complete. It expelled about 800,000 people, killed many others, and destroyed 531 villages and 11 urban neighborhoods in cities like Tel-Aviv, Haifa and Jerusalem.

The action was a clear case of ethnic cleansing that international law today calls a crime against humanity for which convicted Nazis at Nuremberg were hanged. So far Israelis have always remained immune from international law even though names of guilty leaders and those charged with implementing their orders are known as well as the crimes they committed.

ethnic

Terrorist zionist Haganah (later IDF) expelling Arab natives from their land, Haifa, 1948.

It should be noticed that:

1. Ethnically cleansing Palestine and creating “israel” is a European colonization project that was done by European jews. There has never been hatred or enmity between the Arabs/Palestinian-Muslims and the jews over history and it should be noticed that the jews had their ONLY jewish Golden Age under the Muslim rule and run out of Spain along with the Arabs fearing the European pogrom.

In addition, in the modern history, while the jews were persecuted and massacred throughout Europe, they had a safe haven among the Arabs and in the Muslim countries.

2. The Arabs and Muslims didn’t kick the jews out of their homes from the Arab countries but it was the European zionist jews who had done the dirty job and MOST of the jews in the Arab-Muslim countries didnt migrate willingly to occupy Palestine but AFTER the creation of the zionist “jewish state” …. I would cite here exactly what my jewish Iraqi brother wrote after discovering the criminal zionist techniques:

” I write this article for the same reason I wrote my book: to tell the American people, and especially American Jews, that Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate willingly to Israel; that, to force them to leave, Jews killed Jews; and that, to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on numerous occasions rejected genuine peace initiatives from their Arab neighbors. I write about what the first prime minister of Israel called “cruel Zionism.” I write about it because I was part of it.”

3. You should know the fact that the zionist settlers systematically and deliberately ethnically cleansed Palestine from its natives both Muslims and Christians as they expelled over 750,000 Palestinians among them over 100,000 Christians and razed 540 native villages among them over 80 ancient Christian villages along with their ancient churches that stood since Jesus, for the zionists to come and invent their “jewish state”

Baram

So … the whole fight is NOT between the “the Arabs-Muslims and the jews” as the zionist lie again, it is between European zionist occupiers (who ethnically cleansed the native Palestinians in the name of Judaism) and the natives of Palestine (both Muslims and Christians) who unjustifiably were massacred out of their homes and their villages were erased.

Sami, the bedouin.

Sami, The bedouin is a Palestinian writer and blogger. He is originally ethnically cleansed from Ashdod/ Occupied Palestine, but living as a refugee in the West Bank/ Occupied Palestine.

As an activist for Palestine, he has been arrested several times and spent some years in the zionist jails for resisting the Israel occupation. He’s been blogging exclusively about Palestine in different sites and in his blog @ http://www.samibedouin.wordpress.com 


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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