Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘Achrafieh

In hindsight: “What could have happened if Beshir Gemayel was not assassinated in 1982?”

Beshir Gemayel was assassinated on Sept. 14, 1982 along with scores of other people who came to the meeting in Achrafieh.  Beshir was elected President of Lebanon under the bayonets of the Israeli army that occupied the Capital Beirut. He was to officially take on his duties the next day as President.

On April 13, 1975, the civil war started in Lebanon and lasted 18 years: It was a Palm Sunday. This year Palm Sunday was on April 13, and even the people in the second largest city of Tripoli celebrated in the streets, after 20 street battles last year.

This coincidence got me into thinking:

“what could have happened if Beshir Gemmayel was not assassinated in September 14, 1982, a single day before the official ceremony inducting him as President of the Republic of Lebanon?”

What if he governed for at least a year before being assassinated?

Probably:

1. Israel would not have entered West Beirut and sacked the city and stole all kinds of documents and artifacts…

2. The genocide in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Chatila might Not have taken place. Over 3,000 elder people and children (Palestinians and Lebanese) were slaughtered in 2 nights, under the watch of a Lebanese army stationed in the nearby and claiming to be helpless.

3. Israel would have retreated to the 40 km “buffer zone” in the south, far quicker than it did, after the fighters of the Palestinian Resistance Movement (PLO) were evacuated from Lebanon.

4. The massacres in the Chouf province between the Christians and the Druze would not have happened (Samir Geaja and his militias The Lebanese Forces entered the Chouf at the instigation of Israel)

4. The massacres in East Saida between the Christians and the Sunnis would have been spared (Samir Geaja militias entered the Saida province at the instigation of Israel)

5. The thousands of new Christian refugees to the Christian canton would not have fled their towns and villages, at least not in such a hurry

6. The division of Lebanon into sectarian cantons would have been slower in the formation

7. The regular army would have assisted the UN forces in the south and the militias associated with Israel would have been disbanded.

8. A “peace treaty” with Israel would have been ratified with better terms than what was written during Amine Gemmayel tenure, and which failed to be ratified any way.

9. The Syrian troops would have stayed in the Bekaa Valley and refrained from approaching Beirut.

10. The sieges and massacres perpetrated against the Palestinian camps by the Amal militias of Nabih Berry (instigated by Syria) would have been delayed, at least.

11. The civil war would have taken another turn and saved Lebanon further deeper chasm among the sectarian forces

12. The Druze militias of Walid Jumblat would not have invested Mazra3a in Beirut with their tanks

13. Amine Gemmayel would not have been elected president and the Lebanese currency would not have devalued quickly to 1,500 times less

14. The second largest city of Tripoli would not have turned extremist Islamist, and the secular parties of the Communists and Syrian National Social would have retained stronger presence in that city

15. Yasser Arafat might not have returned to Tripoli and re-armed the Palestinian camps and cause thousands to be killed during two months of siege.

16. And most likely, Samir Geaja would not have ended up leader of the Lebanese Forces militia and left trails of calamities for the Christian population everywhere he got engaged militarily

In hindsight, which governments or political organizations were behind the planning of the assassination of Bashir Gemmayel? Israel, Syria, the Palestinian Resistance, any of the Lebanese resistance factions… All of them had a reason for this assassination

Mind you that Islamic Iran was engaged in a protracted war with Iraq of Saddam Hussein that lasted 9 long years of savage fighting.  The cease fire for that war was decided by Ayatolla Khomeini as he learned that he had a few months to live: He decided to extend a survival breathing space for his Islamic regime that was on the verge of collapse.

Question: Would Hezbollah be created?

Yes.

1. Hezbollah would have been instituted simply because the question of Palestine opens the door wide to Islamist Iran to tamper with our internal affairs. The peace treaty would have been an excellent excuse to rally the Shiaa around Iran positions.

2. The frequent tampering of Israel in South Lebanon would have inevitably alienated the Shiaa against the Israeli occupiers.

Note 1: In hindsight, the administrative institutions would have been re-structured and a semblance of a State re-constituted for a while, instead of the current militia/mafia political system

Note 2: Most probably, the Lebanese based “Syria National Social Party” took seriously the decision of Bashir to target their members and responded in kind.

Note 3: Israel tasted the spirit of resistance of the National coalition to any invaders and occupiers of Lebanon, after the Shiaa in the south welcomed Israel army with rice and flowers to get rid of the Palestinian “resistance” forces of Arafat. Arafat didn’t care of fighting Israel: He was content on settling in Lebanon and control it politically. This warmonger Sharon aided the Lebanese of ridding them from a Palestinian army and helped us breath more freely.

Highway Fouad Boutros Project:  “Hekmeh-Turk” Axis in Achrafieh

Here’s a full recap on the Fouad Boutros Project in order to understand what it really is, its impact on the residential areas, who’s opposing it and what are the alternative solutions proposed?

mar mikhail

BlogBaladi posted this March 2, 2014:

All You Need To Know On The Fouad Boutros Project And The Protests Planned This Weekend

What is the Fouad Boutros Project?
The Fouad Boutros Project, also known as the Highway Project “Hekmeh-Turk” Axis, is an estimated $75 Million Dollars (Activists say $150M) project aiming at improving traffic and flows through the densely populated Achrafieh areas.

The concerned districts with this project are Achrafieh, Rmeil, Medawar and Mar Mikhail.

You can check out the project’s map [Here].

The Fouad Boutros Project Impact
Based on various studies done by NGOs and the Civil Coalition against the Fouad Boutros Project, here’s what this project would cause if implemented:
– The demolition of around 30 buildings, some of high heritage value.
– The uprooting of about a hundred trees (Man of which are centennial).
– The destruction of around 10,000sqm of green spaces.
– The fragmentation of a pedestrian-friendly neighborhood.
– Further pollution and noise.
– Increase of traffic in some areas and lack of parking space.

You can read the full impact study [Here].

What are the alternatives to such a project? 
Activists sent a book to the authorities with a proposed “Foud Boutros” Park that would replace the highway planned while limiting the damages to a minimum. Proposed [map].

When Are the Protests planned?
The Civil Coalition against the Highway Project “ Hekmeh-Turk” Axis (“Fouad Boutros” Road) is asking people to join them for two consecutive days;

– Saturday 1st of March starting 3:00 pm at Mar Mikhayel-Armenia street facing ”Afteem” shops, North-East of EDL.
– Sunday 2nd of March starting 11:00 at Rmeil area, at the back of the Maronite Archbishopric of Beirut, in front of Saint Joseph Maronite Church.

You can all sign the petition [Here].

Blast in Beirut: Covered by an US reporter?

A powerful bomb devastated a Christian neighborhood of this capital city of Lebanon on Friday, killing 8 civilians and the targeted intelligence official Gen. Wissam Al Hassan, and injuring over 110 civilians…

In a nearby upstairs apartment, Lily Nameh, 73, said she had been taking a nap with her husband, Ghaleb. “I thought it was an earthquake,” she said. “Suddenly everything was falling on us.” Her husband said, “It felt like a plane landed on the building.”

I have posted several articles on this car explosion in Achrafieh, in east Beirut, and decided to post a typical coverage from a foreigner who needs to satisfy the idiosyncratic message of the New York Times in order to have the piece published.

You feel as if this reporter is not in the mood of comprehending anything: All that this reporter knows is what the editor likes to see published in the Middle-East and the same versions of the Federal Administration wants to convey to the US citizens about this region… I added numbers of the victims of the blast and content between parenthesis are mine…

Bilal Hussein/Associated Press. The explosion at the heart of the Christian section of Beirut on Friday injured many and shattered windows for blocks. More Photos »
ublished on October 19, 2012 in the NYT:
BEIRUT, Lebanon — The blast, which sheared the faces off buildings, killed at least eight people, wounded 110 and transformed a quiet tree-lined street into a scene reminiscent of Lebanon’s long civil war, threatened to worsen sectarian tensions.
By nightfall, black smoke from burning tires ignited by angry men choked the streets of a few neighborhoods in the city, which has struggled to preserve a peace between its many sects, including Sunni, Shiite, Christian and Druse.

Hasan Shaaban/Reuters. A wounded man was helped after the blast.                            More Photos »

Within hours of the attack, the Lebanese authorities announced that the dead included the intelligence chief of the country’s internal security service, Brig. Gen. Wissam al-Hassan, instantly spurring accusations that the Syrian government had assassinated him for recently uncovering what the authorities said was a Syrian plot to provoke unrest in Lebanon.

“They wanted to get him, and they got him,” said Paul Salem, a regional analyst with the Carnegie Middle East Center.

But if the attack was targeted, the blast was most certainly not. The force of the explosion left elderly residents fleeing their wrecked homes in bloodied pajamas and spewed charred metal as far as two blocks. Residents rushed to help each other amid the debris, burning car wreckage and a macabre scene of victims in blood-soaked shirts.

It was the first large-scale bombing in the country since 2008 and was the most provocative violence here linked to the Syrian conflict since it began 19 months ago.

The attack struck a heavy blow to a security service that had asserted Lebanon’s fragile sovereignty by claiming to catch Syria red-handed in a plan to destabilize its neighbor, which Syria has long dominated.

It threatened to inflame sectarian tensions by eliminating General Hassan, a Sunni Muslim known for his close ties to fellow Sunni politicians (the Hariri clan of the Mustakbal movement) who support the Syrian uprising against President Bashar al-Assad. General Hassan was viewed by Syrian opposition activists as an ally and protector.

Imad Salamey, a political science professor at Lebanese American University, blamed Mr. Assad’s government and said that the attack seemed intended to show that Syria has the ability to destabilize Lebanon and threaten to embroil the region in chaos.

The Syrian government issued a statement condemning the bombing, quoting the information minister, Omran al-Zoubi, as saying, “These sort of terrorist, cowardly attacks are unjustifiable wherever they occur.”

The attack harked back to the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, a longtime foe of Mr. Assad’s, in a car bombing in 2005. Syria was widely blamed, and protests in the aftermath of that killing forced Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon, a major blow to its regional influence.

But a series of bombings targeting politicians, journalists and security officials followed, shaking Lebanon and sending the message that Syria’s power still reached deep into its neighbor.

The size and location of the bomb on Friday awakened a general feeling of dread that the Syrian conflict, which has already depressed Lebanon’s economy and sent thousands of Syrian refugees into the country, was coming home to Lebanese civilians, and could set off tit-for-tat killings and reprisals that could spiral out of control.

The blast seemed to accelerate a pattern already established, as the Syrian civil war increasingly draws in the region, crossing the borders of its many neighbors. Recently, a mortar blast from Syria killed civilians in southern Turkey, prompting the Turkish military to respond with artillery strikes into Syria for several days. Jordan has struggled to absorb as many as 180,000 refugees.

Shells have exploded in the disputed Golan Heights region occupied by Israel. Iran has been accused of sending weapons and advisers into Syria to help Mr. Assad.  Saudi Arabia and Turkey have provided weapons and cash to the rebels trying to oust Mr. Assad, and rebels have taken control of border crossings between Syria and Iraq.

In Beirut, there were efforts to tamp down animosities, and keep the peace.

Not far behind the ambulances, politicians arrived at the scene of the blast. They urged Lebanese citizens to resist being drawn into the conflict — but also pointed fingers at Syria and its Lebanese allies in sharp language that seemed as likely to induce anger as to warn against it.

“For the first time, we feel that it is the regular Lebanese citizen who is being targeted in this explosion and, maybe, this is the beginning of what Syrian authorities have promised us in the past,” said Nadim Gemayel, a member of Parliament from the Christian Phalange movement that is part of Lebanon’s opposition March 14 bloc. “The Syrian regime had talked about burning everything in their path.”

As news spread of the bombing, the streets of Beirut’s largely Christian Ashrafiyeh district were initially calm. People walked dogs and escorted children home from school. But they also gathered in small groups warily discussing the bombing and clutched cellphones to share news.

Outside a damaged grocery stood Sandra Abrass, a filmmaker and former Red Cross worker, frustrated that she was not allowed to help on the scene because her skimpy yellow flats were no protection against broken glass, and said she was in pain first for the wounded and then for Lebanon.

“You don’t feel safe any more,” she said. After growing up during the 1975-1991 civil war, she said, she was no longer used to the idea that bombs could go off at any moment, and feared that there would be more bombings and reprisals.

“They cannot let us live happily,” she said.

General Hassan came to prominence as a security chief for the assassinated former prime minister, Mr. Hariri. Early on, he was a suspect in that killing, but later helped build a circumstantial case, based on phone records, that a team from Hezbollah, the militant Lebanese Shiite organization aligned with Syria, had coordinated the Hariri attack and was at the scene of the murder. Hezbollah, which has since become an important member of Lebanon’s government, claims the records were fabricated.

Another security official, Wissam al-Eid, who helped compile the phone records, was killed in a car bombing in 2008, part of a series of assassinations of political figures, journalists and investigators.

More recently, in August, General Hassan shocked Lebanon by arresting a prominent pro-Syrian politician, Michel Samaha, on charges of importing explosives in a bid to set off bombs and wreak sectarian havoc as part of a Syrian-led plot. It was a surprising move in a country where state institutions have rarely had the power to take on political figures, especially those backed by foreign powers or Lebanese militias.

In a brief interview on Friday, the chief of the Internal Security Forces, Maj. Gen. Ashraf Rifi, said, “Wissam al-Hassan was targeted because of Samaha’s case.”

The Internal Security Forces have often been seen as allied with Sunni anti-Syrian factions. But Mr. Salem of Carnegie said that General Hassan did not pursue only his friends’ political enemies; he was also credited with disrupting numerous networks of Israeli spies.

Mr. Salem said that General Hassan and his investigators were “one of the bright spots that saw the Syrian influence apparently ebb,” demonstrating that “the Lebanese state was beginning to develop capacities, they could arrest Samaha, they were doing things that a sovereign state does.”

While some anti-Syrian politicians suggested that the bombing was intended to distract from allegations that Hezbollah is fighting on the Syrian government’s side, they stopped short of accusing the party of involvement in the bombing. Several analysts said Hezbollah was unlikely to carry out such an attack, which would threaten its political standing inside Lebanon.

In the bombed neighborhood in Ashrafiyeh district on Friday, Civil Defense officers picked pieces of flesh off a security fence and put them into plastic supermarket bags.

On Friday nights, areas of central Beirut are usually crowded with cars and pedestrians heading out to party. But after the bombing, the usual Friday night traffic jams never materialized, and watering holes that usually send excess crowds on to the sidewalks in neighborhoods known for night life sat quiet and forlorn.

Reporting was contributed by Hwaida Saad, Hania Mourtada and Josh Wood from Beirut, and Christine Hauser and Rick Gladstone from New York.

A version of this article appeared in print on October 20, 2012, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Blast in Beirut Seen as Extension of Syria Conflict.

Related

Collateral Ordinary victims of assassination blasts: Do not deserve a national burial?

The bombing that killed Lebanon’s internal intelligence chief , Gen. Wissam Al Hassan, also claimed the life of many collateral civilians of 8 and and injured 110.

They found a part of a hand in the street of Ibrahim el-Mounzer today, a side street at Sassine Square in Achrafieh, along with some intestines – no one doubted ownership of the thumb that was discovered, still pressing the button of a mobile phone. But the little people of Lebanon remained forgotten, the bereaved and the wounded, all 38 of them, largely not photographed.

ROBERT FISK reported from on Monday 22 October 2012 in The Independence:

“Gun battles enshrined the streets of central Beirut a day after the nation buried Brigadier-General Wissam al-Hassan. But the bravest man in Lebanon yesterday stood in a church in the tired suburb of Bourj Hammoud: a young Armenian whose equally young wife was slaughtered last Friday.

I suppose we scribes always go for the Big Story – the Lebanese intelligence boss blown to bits in a car-bomb assassination. The clichés are essential, as is the assumption that Syria’s war is “slipping across the border”, but the tragedy of Georgette Sarkissian, a bystander, should be told.

She was a victim whose life was every bit as precious as that of the man who was buried with such pomp and violence in central Beirut at the weekend. And if serving coffee and apples to bank employees in a narrow east Beirut street was less romantic than that of the Lebanese secret policeman, so efficiently liquidated last week, her family story is worthy of a book rather than a newspaper article.

The General and Georgette died, of course, in the same millisecond.

Joseph Sarkissian’s family came from the Mount of Olives in Palestine and his grandparents were thrown out of Armenia during the 1915 Turkish genocide. He stood next to his 21-year old daughter Therese – who was with her mother Georgette when she was killed, and wore a blood-red mascara of spotted wounds on her face that contrasted tragically with her black dress – shaking hands as one must at these awful “condolences”, and spoke with such eloquence of his sorrow.

In Lebanon, the big men get the imperial funerals, the little women are left to be buried.

But the biggest man in Lebanon was Joseph Sarkissian, an insurance official, short dark hair, spectacles, no tears in his eyes. In his own words, in perfect, flawless English he said: “I can’t tell you… She is half my life. My daughter picked her up from the ground – she carried her in her arms because there were no ambulances, and drove her to the hospital in her own car”.

“From the first, my wife was in a coma, thanks to God – because her head was opened from behind by the explosion. Part of her brain was missing. She is a treasure to me. You can’t imagine… There were so many flowers for her and for me – because everyone loves her and everyone loves me.

“In Lebanon, there are too many surprises – every day, there is a new surprise. She was going to buy new shoes the same day. Today was the first day of her vacation. She wanted to rest this week – and now she rests forever.”

Today was a day for such words.

There was the local bank manager in rue Mohamed el-Mounzer who said Lebanon had endured “40 years of crucifixion” and that during the country’s 1975-1990 civil war, “not a pane of glass had been broken in the street”.

There was the old man – like most of the others, a Christian – who uttered a quote-of-the-year in reference to General Hassan. “He was very low profile – everyone knew him,” he said. Too true. General Hassan, a Muslim, thought he had a “safe house” in the street. But there are no “safe houses” in Lebanon, and – being a tiny little country – no “secret” policemen.

At the end of the road, I came across Lebanese ceramics artist Nathalie Khayat, bandages still covering the wounds to her back, who had been talking to her sons Noa and Teo when the bomb shredded Georgette’s life – and those of the general and two of his men – and almost killed her. “The first thing I thought of was the civil war,” she said. “I was looking at my son’s homework. He is nine today. And I was nine when the civil war started in 1975.”

The radios were talking of a gun and grenade battle between supporters of the 14 March alliance – the official opposition to the pro-Syrian government – and the Lebanese army which had come under fire from them during the night.

And Abed, my driver, and I drove as we have so often these past decades to park near the Museum, and I ran down the side street and stood next to the soldiers. And here comes your reporter, clumping into his own story again. On this very spot, beside this very road, next to this very wall, I took cover from bullets 36 years ago.

Note: More details https://adonis49.wordpress.com/2012/10/23/another-car-bombing-in-beirut-immediate-political-finger-pointing-and-scores of injured

Beirut Blast and Branding a Revolution?

The consequences and ramification of the car explosion in Achrafieh that occurred on Friday at 2:30 pm are in progress.  More casualties (injured and killed civilians) are increasing: Infighting in Tripoli and in Beirut are still taking place, for no reasons but to vent out the anger of the jobless youth, galvanized by opportunistic political leaders, wanting to secure a ministry in a possible government shuffling…

I knew a friend living in the nearby of the blasted street and sent her a message: “Zeina, this street is familiar to me. Write something…” The apartment of Zeina and her family was blasted but they are all uninjured…

And the scores of dead victims from the blast had no anchor man or woman to cover the grieving of their families and the 110 injured civilians scattered in the hospitals of Beirut…

Habib Battah published this Oct.20, 2012 in “The Beirut Report” under “Branding a revolution”:

It’s been barely 24 hours since the assassination of the Lebanese internal intelligence chief Gen. Wissam Hassan, and the political wheels are already in full gear.

There have been speeches tonight in downtown Beirut calling for the resignation of prime minister and tents being set up for a sleep-in, which organizers promise will not end until their demands are met (see top right image above).

Politicians opposed to Prime Minister Najib Mikati are calling for a massive turnout for Hassan’s funeral tomorrow, and tonight, the media (allied to the Hariri clan) is playing its role in getting the word out.

The Future Television (Hariri or Moustakbal movement) has begun filming one of its talk shows in the tomb of slain former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, seeking to draw his supporters in by creating a visual link between Hariri’s killing and that of Hassan:

Future TV has even created a Hassan graphic with the date of tomorrow’s funeral:

Meanwhile, other stations have been filming nightly talk shows from Martyr’s square where only a few hundred party loyalists have gathered. These crowds are relatively minuscule compared to the hundreds of thousands of Lebanese that have gathered in downtown Beirut in years past (particularly in March 14, 2005), but in filming live from the area, television stations are building momentum for tomorrow’s event by treating the small crowds as a major news story.

On MTV, the scene is carefully framed with the anchor standing in front of the two tents that have been erected earlier this afternoon (see first photo in this post), which pales in comparison to the hundreds of tents set up by Hezbollah and its allies during their occupation of downtown in 2006. Yet the tight shot does not allow viewers to actually count the tents.

Neither does the wide angle, which shows a relatively small crowd of a few dozen, mainly young men holding party flags:

Similarly, Al Jadeed also filmed its evening talk show tonight from Martyr’s Square, but again wide shots revealed almost no one gathered for an event that can barely justify– in terms of news worthiness– the cost of such an outdoor broadcast.

On the other hand, LBC has chosen to film its show in studio tonight. But like the other channels, the guests are familiar faces, with very partisan affiliations, making very familiar, heated arguments.

The same was true for OTV, which is supportive of the government and thus brought out pro-government figures that Lebanese have seen on televisions for years if not decades.

Clearly, all this advertisement about tomorrow’s rally from pro-government channels may have an impact on some viewers. But at the same time, many have grown tired of being spoon-fed polarizing and often sect-specific views from entrenched party figures.

If tomorrow’s rally does not draw the huge crowds it is promising, this could be a small but significant blow to the traditional Lebanese political order, which finds itself under increasing pressure amid the changes going on in the region.

Note: The bodies of Wissam and his bodyguard Sahyoun were being readied to be buried next to late Rafic Hariri PM when a nitwits, standing by ex-Siniora PM, took the micro and harangued the masses to storm the close-by government building (The Grand Serai).

The fanatic youth of the Lebanese Forces, the Kataeb and the radical Islamist extremists surged and overturn the few policemen standing guard. The army commandos came in reinforcement and the “official” leader of March 14 coalition (Saad Hariri) spoke from Paris and ordered the masses to retreat. Why?

He claimed that the government building, constructed in the early 1910, was built by his late assassinated father Rafic Hariri PM.

Another car bombing in Beirut, another immediate political finger-pointing, and scores of civilian dead and injured

A nephew of mine called from Beirut and asked me to turn the TV on and tell him the location of the blast: It sounded close to the Justice Palace where his direction was headed to. It turned out the explosion was in Achrafieh, on the hill overlooking the Palace.

The “Urgent Flash news” on LBC claimed the blast was in Sassine Square, but there was some traffic. Then the camera showed a cloud of black fumes emanating from the right corner of the Square, and a possibility that Starbuck was targeted. And I said to myself: “That is a probable target: Starbuck has been financing Israeli colonies in Palestine…”.

The news claimed that the blast was 400 m from the headquarter of March 14 coalition, headed by the Hariri clan of Al Moustakbal, but the distance is a way far to be the target.  And the news said that one of the Kataeb (Phalange) Party was 30 m away…

We were in the dark, until over an hour later, it was confirmed that the main target was Wissan Hassan, director of internal intelligence gathering.  Why this delay? They recognized Wissam from his jogging shoes?

A car exlpoded in a side street in Achrafieh.

The target was not Wissam, but the institution of internal intelligence center.

The target was not Hassan, but this political climate that put forward the director as the main hero for the internal “security”, and loaded all kinds of praise on the director for any “minor” exploit, just to taunt the other political coalition…And quickly promoting him General…

The target was this symbol of a policy that says: “Lebanon is neutral in the calamities befalling on the Syrian people and the State of Syria…”

The target was selected to bring us back to the same political environment when late and ex PM Rafic Hariri was assassinated in 2005, an event that witnessed the prompt withdrawal of the Syrian troops from Lebanon after 15 years of a mandated power over Lebanon, a mandate agreed upon by the US, France and Saudi during the late Syrian dictator Hafez Assad…

The March 14 coalition (the Hariri clan Moustakbal movement), funded by Saudi Arabia and under the direct guidance of the US, immediately pointed the finger at the Syrian regime of Bashar Assad…

The March 8 coalition is accusing Israel because Wissam Hassan was given credit for dismantling several Israeli intelligence networks in Lebanon, with the coordination and cooperation of Hezbollah, and the army intelligence bureau…

It is well known in Lebanon that Wissam Hassan was in constant contact with the Syrian regime, and visited Damascus on a bi-weekly routine to coordinate security problems.

Wissam changed focus with the political winds.

In the beginning, Al Hassan was part of Rafic Hariri security team. In 2005, Najib Mikati PM appointed Wissam as head of the internal intelligence branch, and also appointed Ashraf Rifi (another of Hariri employee),director of the internal forces…

After the assassination of Rafic Hariri, Hassan was given the job of gathering intelligence pieces in order to indict Hezbollah as the executioner of the Syrian regime  dirty activities and turning the investigation toward Hezbollah as the main perpetrator, and purposely not considering all the other alternative criminals such as Israel, the US and France, the radical Islamists…

Four Generals in the various internal security institutions were jailed for 4 years, with no material convicting evidences, simply on political charges and for revenge…

Lately, Hassan rounded up the former minister Michel Samaha, on charges of carrying explosives from Syria in his car…

There are information relating this assassination to a more recent event.

A month ago, three top Al Qaeda leaders from the Jund El Sham have been whisked out of Roumieh jail: They got out surreptitiously from the main gate. Internal investigations have been pointing to Wissam Hassan as the main authority in circumventing the minister of the interior. Hassan has already displaced countless witnesses in many serious charges to outside Lebanon, particularly shipping them to France, Dubai or Qatar.

Jund El Sham radical Islamist had occupied the Palestinian camp of Nahr el Bared (close to Tripoli up north) and attacked the Lebanese army.  It took over 6 months for the army to re-enter the camp, scoring hundreds in casualties, and totally destroying the camp and evacuating the refugees…

France, in cooperation with German secret services, is suspected of being the main power in charge of planning the dirty operations in Lebanon and Syria, as former mandated power. As one of these dirty operations coincides with the interest of Israel, then Israel is subcontracted to carrying out the explosions and assassinations… with plenty of benefits, politically and financially…

The US has cornered itself by listing many powerful organizations as “terrorists”, and consequently, most of the CIA agents in Lebanon have been uncovered by Hezbollah and left Lebanon. The US is currently relying on Germany and France agents to feed it with intelligence pieces…

Note: The “institution” headed by late General Wissam Hassan was illegally operating and functioning outside of the Parliament legitimacy: no laws were enacted for the expansion of its tasks and personnel…

 

Films festival at Sofil Theater (Achrafieh, Lebanon)

From my diary of Sunday, (Written on October 8, 2006  and posted August 21, 2009

Yesterday, Victor and I cleaned one of the three chicken coops because it seemed that it might rain.

Today, Victor wanted to clean his new coop; he spent almost six months constructing, welding, and painting. I had helped reluctantly for six months because nobody wanted any more chicken, the cost, and the trouble that generates nothing but frustration.

Well, I helped him clean for an hour and then he got in his mind to cement the floor.  I helped Cedric bring sacs of sands and gravel from a nearby pit.  Then, I stopped in order to do some errands.  Victor was still cleaning in the evening.

I ventured to the movie theater of Sofil in Achrafieh to see a couple of films of the movie festival.

I watched “Kilometer Zero” at 5:00 p.m. about the Kurds forced to fight Iran in Basra in 1988 and the animosities between the Iraqi “Arabs” and Kurds.  The grandfather once told the hero: “We the Kurds had a lousy past, a tragic present but the best is that we have no future”.

I had bought a ticket for the 7:30 movie “Maria Full of Grace” but felt bored waiting and I returned the ticket.  I hoped that I might encounter a familiar face; I was certain that this longing will not happen; I never meet familiar faces, not in the festival, not in Lebanon, or anywhere else.

I went back strait home; although I was hungry and had decided to eat at B to B I didn’t feel like stopping on my way and prepared myself a quick diner at home.

I went again this Sunday and watched “A New Day in Old Sana’a (Yemen)” and returned straight home.

May be a short review of what is showing could be enlightening: “Volver” by the screen player Pedro Almodovar which was cancelled, “Trametti”, “I am the one who brings flowers to her grave”, “Beyrouth ma betmout” a mini-DV of 7 minutes by Katia Jarjoura, “Color me Kubrick”, “De battre, mon Coeur s’est arrêté”, “Factotum” a screen play adaptation of Charles Bukowski’s novel, “Malek wa Ketaba”, “Maroc”, “Offside”, “Paris, je t’aime”, “Jezile”, “Nuovomondo”, and “The Queen”.

Free tickets were distributed for “Amaret Yacoubian” before the festival was on and we had no clue; the tickets must have gone to the privilege individuals of the club.

Joanna had been working on a project for two consecutive week-ends and I barely saw her.

I wanted to see “El Violin” on Monday but didn’t feel like driving alone. The weather has been cloudy all the day. I figured that I’ll stop at the Storiom supermarket to buy mom a full fat Tatra powder milk and a ‘crose’ of cigarette ‘Cedars’ for my dad because it might be closed by the time I return.

Then I decided against seeing the movie and spent my night reading “Ensemble, c’est tout”. I might go today and see two movies, including “The Golden Door“, but nothing is sure anymore with my state of moods.

I executed my plan to see two movies last night; I saw “Nuovomondo” and “The Violin” and was back around midnight.


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

August 2020
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