Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘administrative detention

The persecution of a female Palestinian University student Mays Abu Ghosh

Amjad Ayman Yaghi The Electronic Intifada 5 February 2021

More than 10,000 Palestinian women have been arrested or detained under Israeli military orders over the past five decades.

Mays Abu Ghosh, a journalism student at Birzeit University in the West Bank, has been persecuted because she refused to accept Israel’s occupation of her homeland.

Prison was an obstacle to my education and my career, but I am still going to work as a journalist. I will not allow my imprisonment to be a dark chapter in my life.”

Mays Abu Ghosh was revising for a college exam during August 2019 when Israeli soldiers broke into her home late at night.

Accompanied by dogs, the troops told her father to wake up the family and gather everyone in one place.

Then they entered Mays’ room and ordered her to switch on her mobile phone and computer. She refused to do so.

Mays Abu Ghosh was repeatedly tortured in the detention center known as the Russian Compound. (Photo courtesy of Mays Abu Ghosh) 

After she disobeyed the order, Mays had to get dressed in the presence of some female soldiers. Her bedroom and that of her parents were then ransacked by the troops.

Handcuffed, Mays was brought from her family’s home in Qalandiya refugee camp to the military checkpoint also in Qalandiya – an area separating occupied East Jerusalem from the remainder of the West Bank.

From there she was transported to the Russian Compound, an Israeli detention center in Jerusalem. Mays was held in that center for more than a month, during which time she was repeatedly tortured.


“The most severe thing was three days in a row without being allowed to sleep,” Mays, 23, said. “I had to stay in a chair and if I closed my eyes, a soldier would come over and shout at me. I was slapped in the face continuously.”

Mays was forced to stand and bend her knees, with soldiers pressing hard on her shoulders. She had to remain in such painful positions for long stretches of time.

Her shackles were so tight that her hands and feet started to bleed. When Mays got her period, the interrogators “deliberately delayed” giving her sanitary pads, she said.

“I still have various pains – in my back, feet and head – because of the torture,” she recounted.

As well as abusing her physically, Mays’ interrogators subjected her to psychological pressure by threatening that other members of her family would be arrested and that their home would be destroyed.

She was charged with being part of Qutub, a left-wing student group deemed “unlawful” by Israel.

Among the other charges against her were “contact with an enemy.” That related to her participation in a conference held in Lebanon on the right to return of Palestine’s refugees.

Around 50 people – mainly students – were arrested in the West Bank around the same time as Mays.

Some Israeli journalists rushed to label those arrested as “terrorists.” Press stories linked the arrests to a killing next to an Israeli settlement.

Yet as Gideon Levy, a veteran journalist with the Tel Aviv daily Haaretz, wrote, “almost none” of those arrested were suspected of having anything to do with that killing, “not even indirectly.”

“Huge sense of loss”

After spending 33 days in the Russian Compound, Mays was brought to Damon, a prison located in a forest beside the city of Haifa inside Israel.

She was kept in a cell with six other women.

When it was summer, the heat in the cell was unbearable. During the winter, Mays tried to endure the bitter cold by covering herself with three blankets.

Mays was determined that her imprisonment would not break her spirit. She kept her mind active by reading novels and books on sociology and culture.

Some of the books read by prisoners – particularly those considered political – were confiscated by Israeli guards in Damon.

Mays was held behind bars for 15 months. She was eventually released late last year.

Her release came a month before her 16-month prison sentence expired. But she had to pay a $600 fine in order to be freed from jail.

The Abu Ghosh family has suffered greatly at the hands of Israel’s military occupation.

In early 2016, Mays’ brother Hussein was shot dead by an Israeli security guard. It was alleged that he and another young man who was killed had carried out a stabbing attack, fatally injuring an Israeli woman.

A few months later, the apartment where the family lived in Qalandiya was demolished by Israel in an act of collective punishment. They had to move to an apartment on another floor of the same building as a result.

Another of her brothers, Suleiman, was arrested soon after the 2019 raid in which Mays was taken captive. He was placed under administrative detention – imprisonment without charge or trial.

“My family feels a huge sense of loss and instability,” said Mays. “Even my little sister – a 5-year-old named Iliya – wets her bed because she remembers the time the Israeli army came to raid our home and arrest me.”

Mays is fully aware that there is nothing unique about the way she has been treated. In prison, she met many others who have been locked up for far longer than she was.

Thirty-seven Palestinian women were being held in Israel’s prisons or detention centers at the end of January. is back studying now – although she has to follow her classes online because of the COVID-19 pandemic. She is hoping to graduate from Birzeit later in 2021.

“Prison was an obstacle to my education and my career,” she said. “But I am still going to work as a journalist. I will not allow my imprisonment to be a dark chapter in my life.”

Amjad Ayman Yaghi is a journalist based in Gaza.

Why this petition to release of Carlos Ghosn?

It has been five days since our compatriot Carlos Ghosn (of Lebanon origin, and studied in Lebanon, with dual Brazil citizenship) was sequestered and sentenced before being tried. (Is Japan emulating colonial Britain and apartheid Israel administrative detention?)

The Japanese judiciary, which probably has its own laws prohibiting the accused from having his lawyers with him during his interrogation, has gone very far in his act of vandalism.

Should we wait for Lebanese citizen Carlos Ghosn to be lynched before Lebanon reacts and officially asks Japan for his release?

The Lebanese ambassador to Japan sent by our minister of the EA, could not meet him, and any contact with the outside is forbidden. (The same process that Saudi Kingdom exercised on our PM Saad Hariri?)

He is imprisoned in a 5m cell, a prison that includes detainees, criminals and terrorists.

We request that a high-level official delegation travel to Japan as soon as possible to learn about the conditions of detention of a Lebanese citizen emigrant, surplus, brilliant businessman, known for his great qualities.

Note: This petition is Not a call Not to put Ghosn on trial, but to respect the international due process in legal matters. Apparently Japan has more than one interest in degrading the image of Ghosn:

  1. Japan wants to appoint the  Japanese right-hand to be chief of Nissan after Ghosn helped her out from imminent bankruptcy,
  2. It wants to satisfy USA diktat of punishing anyone who tries to circumvent its treacherous and unfounded sanctions on Iran and Russia
  3. Israel dropped Carlos to the waste bin after he disengaged himself from resuming doing business with Israel
  4. President Macron of France contributed in aligning himself with USA/Israel policies to circumvent the serious internal difficulties in raising gas prices and forgetting to support decentralization activities in his campaign promises, alienating the medical profession, especially the nurses, and generally supporting the elite classes at the detriment of the working citizens
  5. You may read my lengthy biography on Carlos Ghosn on my blog

I can figure out how the next pre-emptive war of Israel on Syria and Lebanon will unfold.

Since 2008, and for 33 days, Israel with the planning and total support of USA and Saudi Kingdom, launched an 8th pre-emptive war on Lebanon.  The plan decided for September was advanced in June 22 after Hezbollah managed to capture Israeli prisoners and kill 8 more in a hurried counter-attack by a tank commander.

Ever since, Israel is totally wary to contemplate another foolish and devastating military defeat, agreed by most world community observers. Israel had to beg Bush Jr to desist pressuring it to continue the fight and UN resolution 1701 was voted on for a cease fire.

The next day thousands of Lebanese refugees, fleeing war, returned to their homes. They discarded the warnings of the government and threw makeshift bridges to cross destroyed bridges and bombed highways. It took the Israelis 6 months to return to their homes.

Every year, Israel spend plenty of money in military maneuvers to convince Hezbollah that it is ready for another match of revenge. Most Israeli commentators agree that Israel internal readiness is Not prepared for any such kinds of long-protracted war and the army itself don’t want any such adventure: the soldiers are still in shock and receiving treatment for the surprises they were Not warned of them.

No, Israel, on its own volition will Not attempt another pre-emptive war, but since USA considers Israel as its land fighter carrier, the possibility that Israel will be dragged manu-military to engage in another war on Lebanon and Syria if USA decided to frighten Iran by a “Chock and Awe” massive bombing tactics.

There will be no short war and matter will deteriorate.

Pressured by US for military support in a critical pre-emptive war in the Persian Gulf, Israel will lukewarmly launch a massive airstrike in the neighboring States, hoping that it would be a short-term war for face saving initiative and a divergence tactic for the real US engagement on Iran.

Hezbollah reaction will be to target all Israel airfields and communication centers and ignite monster fires everywhere in Israel. The next missile strikes will target the electrical and energy grids.

If Iran decides to prolong the war, it will order Hezbollah to fall back on the plan of effective incursions inside Israel.

Then the third missile launch will focus on Israel military and logistic centers, civilian and military, in Israel central region, to disturb transportation and movement of troops.

The fourth missile strikes will target the essential ports and submarines concentrated in Eshkelon and in central Israel.

Hezbollah navy commandos will land on the seashore in central Israel, capture a few ports and towns around them. This attack will divide Israel into two parts and pressure Israel to decide where to focus its army.

If Israel transfer troops from the north by the Golan Heights, Syria army will launch a counter-offensive to re-conquer the Hights, all the way to the Houla city.

If Israel transfer troops from around Gaza, Hamas and Jihad Islamic militias will attempt to link with the West Bank.

From then on, all possibilities are open to be contemplated.

If the West Bank Palestinians managed to acquire and store weapons, strategic settlements around West Jerusalem will be first attacked and massive fleeing of Israeli to East Jerusalem and Tel Aviv will be underway.

Settlers would prefer to vacate the lands in West Jerusalem, hoping that a negotiated cease fire will allow them to return to a few settlements.

Hopefully, Hezbollah has a plan to move and capture Nablus up north, re-take a few strategic settlements around this city and start transferring weapons and foodstuff to Palestinians in that region for a protracted defensive resistance.

The cease fire will ensure that Israel Parliament rescind its law that Israel is Only for the Jews and that West Jerusalem is the Capital of the Palestinian Homeland State.

The defunct British mandated law of administrative detention will be cancelled.

Palestinian refugees will be allowed to return.

Note: This narrative is based on current situation. If the monarchy in Jordan is deposed in the blood, the longest border with Israel will become the coup-de grace for Israel existence. Palestinians in Jordan will infiltrate and occupy settlement along the Jordan river.

No land mines or massive bombing will prevent the stampede on existing settlements for the Return Home and witnessing the mass fleeing of Israelis.

Once The Palestinians in Jordan link up with the West Bank, a totally new scenario will be negotiated at the UN for a new status of Palestine and Israel.

Notes and tidbits posted on FB and Twitter. Part 161

Note: I take notes of books I read and comment on events and edit sentences that fit my style. I pa attention to researched documentaries and serious links I receive. The page is long and growing like crazy, and the sections I post contains a month-old events that are worth refreshing your memory.

Since 2005, and for 7 years, numerous men and women Palestinians in the village of Bilin courageously have faced Israeli forces in order to prevent further colonization of their villages, the destruction of their resources and the subjugation of their people.

Hana al-Shalabi (Hanaa2), a 30-year-old Palestinian woman from Jenin, is on hunger strike to protest her administrative detention without charge by Israel. She was subjected to beatings and humiliating treatment by Israeli forces and declared that her hunger strike will continue until her demand for freedom is met.

Women of the Middle East and North Africa are of compelling strength, boundtless courage and incorruptible dignity. History is laden with prominent female activists, poets, authors and political figures from this region who have long existed, despite the deliberate evasion of their stories and in the printing their names, and they will continue to exist.

Why lament about how others write about you; write your own histories. I personally would love to read about these female heroes.
Long ago, there was a Medieval Kingdom of Khazaria ( 652-1016 AD) that included part of modern-day Russia, Ukraine, and a sliver of what is current Kazakhstan.  When considering the choice among Islam, Christianity or Judaism the leaders of this ’empire’ decided to declare themselves Jewish. They had no understanding of the culture of the original land (Levant civilization) and simply followed the rules and prescriptions of the conservative Jews. They are the current Ashkenazim Jew who lived in central Europe, after the Russian Ivan dispersed them in the year 1,000.

The Khazaria Empire could not extend any further south because the Tatars and Turkmen proved to be about as obstinate as the Afghans have been throughout history.

The Khazarian ‘Jews’ are NOT descendants of the mythical “12 Tribes of Israel” and their world view, and of pious spiritual Judaism have created conflict within that religion ever since. They are the current day Zionist Ashkenazim Jews (including Neocons, of course) who have formed a world power banking, extortion cult of war and death that has little or nothing to do with being devout adherents of Judaism. These are the folks who think nothing of breaking the law, lying (Kol Nidre), stealing, graft, corruption, assassination, blackmail, extortion or destroying tens of millions of people to get their way.

In 1997, Christoph Meili was a security guard, who happened upon 2 carts full of Holocaust-era banking documents related to Jewish clients of UBS that were slated for destruction. Inspired by “Schindler’s List,” Meili removed several volumes of the documents from his employer’s possession. Instead of going directly to the authorities, he instead disclosed the documents to outside sources. As a result, not only did Meili lose his job, but he was also under investigation by Swiss authorities for violating Swiss law.

Since 2,000, Israel killed 2,027 Palestinian children.


It isn’t often that I post an article by someone else but Amira Hass who writes for the Israeli daily Haaretz  is always an exception

Much of what you’ll read below can be found in my book Israeli and Palestinian Voices: A Dialogue with Both Sidesbut I think it has more of a punch when it comes from one of Israel’s premier journalists.

Amira Hass Aug 30, 2016 3:17 AM

A list of the people’s daily fears under “democratic Jewish military rule” in the West Bank:

* That soldiers will descend from a pillbox armed to the teeth and fire at me. Or at my daughter, or my husband.
This happened in Silwad late last week. Ultra-Orthodox soldiers from the Kfir Battalion in the Nahal Brigade were extremely fearful for their lives and shot Iyad Hamed, 38, who was walking in his village – in his home – in the fields he knew from childhood. He wasn’t armed. He wasn’t throwing stones.

He was running, said the soldiers in their defense. After all, everyone knows that a running Palestinian is a suspicious Palestinian. And a suspicious Palestinian is a Palestinian who should be killed. And an armed soldier who killed a Palestinian walking on his land isn’t a murderer.

* That a soldier will fire at children coming home at night from a swimming pool and kill one and wound four. This happened at Beit Ur al-Tahta.

A couple from Ramallah and their teenage children were traveling via the Atara checkpoint north of Birzeit for a family visit. S. tells what happened: “The soldier stood at a distance and aimed his weapon at us. Once they would just approach and peer into the car.

“But here I was afraid of his ignorance and fear, and what these would make him do. From a distance, with his weapon aimed, he ordered us to get out of the car and sit on the ground. He called my son to come to him.

“The rifle was aimed, and I was scared. My son’s phone could ring and he’d put his hand in his pocket automatically, and the soldier could invent the excuse that he was afraid my son was pulling out a knife, so he killed him in self-defense. I moved, started to get up, and the soldier shouted: ‘Stay where you are, don’t move,’ with his rifled aimed.”
Blindfolded and bound

* That my nephew will go outside to exercise his right to protest when soldiers raid our refugee camp or our village, and a soldier armed to the teeth will fire at him and kill or cripple him (as happened in places including al-Fawwar and Kafr Qaddum).

* That they’ll confiscate more of our land for another security road to a settlement.

* That my son will drive my SUV to bring a friend back home, and on the way he’ll encounter a soldier who’ll fire at him and wound him. After all, they can report a lie to their commanders. (Daheisheh)

* That soldiers in a jeep will slap my son, still a minor, whom they’ve detained and blindfolded and bound his arms and legs. Then they’ll kick him. (Beit Omar)

* That they’re torturing my brother right now during an interrogation, his hands behind his back that has been bent for hours, preventing sleep in a filthy cell amid curses. (the Shin Bet security services facilities in Petah Tikva or Kishon Prison)

* That they’ll declare our land state land, and soon a settlement will be built there.

* That my daughter will be the only one in her class who won’t receive an Israeli permit to go on a trip to the beach because I’m a released prisoner, as happened to A. from the Nablus area.

* That at the Allenby crossing the Israelis will send me back and won’t let me travel with my friends on a trip to Kazakhstan, as happened to N. in her 50s.

* That at the Allenby crossing they won’t be satisfied with denying my husband permission to leave but will also put me in administrative detention – detention without trial – without an explanation, without a search and without an interrogation, as happened to Omar Nezal.

* That I’ll lose my job in Israel because they’ll take away my Israeli exit permit in an attempt to recruit me to the Shin Bet as an informer.

* That they won’t allow my 60-year-old father to pray at the Al-Aqsa Mosque because I was wounded. (Daheisheh)

* That a bulldozer will come escorted by soldiers, the Border Police and Civil Administration inspectors in a white jeep. Together they will destroy the tabun oven, the family tent, the trailer home donated by the European Union and the toilet donated by an aid organization. (Umm al-Khair)

The rifle scope and the bullet

* That a surveyor will come in preparation to expand a settlement, because of which they’ve already destroyed my tabun and now they’ll destroy the goat pen. (the Carmel settlement)
* That they’ll build another pillbox in order to guard the expanding outpost that was built on village land.
* That we’ll take the sheep to graze, and settlers will descend from the mountain and beat us, and the soldiers will stand aside. (the Maon Farm)
* That we’ll renovate the approach road to our fields and orchards, and the Civil Administration will stop the work in the middle. (Tekoa, Turmus Ayya, Duma)
* That we’ll be late to work again this morning because the soldiers at the checkpoint stopped the traffic from Ramallah so that the settlers heading from Ofra and Beit El can get to work on time. (Geva-Adam Junction)
* That my husband will have an appointment for an operation in East Jerusalem, because he suffers from heart disease, but we won’t get a permit to leave Gaza. (As happened to my friend A., or as our mutual friend F. in his mid-50s says: “My greatest fear is that one of us will fall ill and I won’t be able to give him or her the best possible treatment, because we won’t get an exit permit from Gaza.”)

* That a soldier on a surprise patrol in the neighborhood will say he was afraid and killed me. And that all the other soldiers think that the cure for fear is the rifle scope and the bullet; a finger on the trigger and bingo.

* That the world won’t be interested in all this, and only when a Palestinian kills a Jew and a rocket is launched from Gaza will Angela Merkel and Barack Obama denounce terror.
Amira Hass

Click here to view or purchase Israeli and Palestinian Voices.

Note: Blacks in USA are also subjugate to fear of instant death at any moment by police forces or supremacists. At least, there is an investigation and media comment on the tragedy. Nothing of the sort in Israel.


Why Israelis must disrupt the occupation

One of the most disturbing aspects about the reality in Palestine is its normalcy.

It has become normal to see Palestinians shot and killed, even children. ‘(And regular administrative detention of Palestinian youths)

The faces of young Palestinians showing up daily on social media, boys and girls shot by soldiers, accused falsely of attempting to stab a soldier.

It has become normal to see Israeli soldiers shooting skunk water and tear gas, and snipers using live ammunition at unarmed protesters who want the land that was once theirs and the freedom they never had.

And it has become normal for us to engage in the endless, fruitless debate on whether Palestinians throwing stones at armed Israeli soldiers who invade their homes constitutes violence, or whether or not Zionism – which produced this violence – is a racist ideology.

And all the while the suffering and the oppression of millions of Palestinians go on almost uninterrupted.

An Israeli sniper aiming at Palestinian protestors with live ammunition during confrontations following a protest against the occupation and in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners hunger strike, in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh, 26 May. Two weeks earlier in Nabi Saleh a protestor was shot and killed with the same type of weapon. Haidi Motola ActiveStills

One of the most disturbing aspects about the reality in Palestine is its normalcy.

It is no secret that Israelis and Palestinians live two separate realities.

Even when we privileged Israelis go to the village of Nabi Saleh on a Friday to participate in the weekly protest, at the end of the day we are free to leave the village, leave the occupation and return to our safe, clean, well-paved spheres.

Unlike the Palestinians we leave behind, our homes will not be raided, our roads will not be blocked and our children will not have to hide for days or weeks from the threat of being shot, arrested and tortured.

We return home sweaty and tired, covered in tear gas and skunk water and we feel we did our bit. But what bit did we do?

What is the role of the privileged Israeli activists within the resistance and why are we accomplishing so little?

To begin with we need to admit that this is resistance and ask whether we are willing to take part.

On any given Friday there may be about 10 Israeli activists, be it in Nabi Saleh or Bilin, currently the two main locations for Friday protests in the occupied West Bank. Some Israelis walk in the back, some in the front.


Some like to say they are merely documenting.

Most, like shadows, don’t seem like they know their place and don’t want to interfere. Few confront the Israeli forces. So the question that begs to be asked is, what are we accomplishing?

If we don’t use our privilege to push the envelope and to confront the Israeli authorities, then we are indeed mere shadows.

My latest visit to Nabi Saleh was on 26 May, exactly two weeks after Saba Abu Ubaid, 23, was shot and killed by Israeli forces during a protest there.

The march began, as always, with people walking down the hill from the mosque after noon prayer, carrying flags and chanting. There were about 30 or 40 people (though in the charges that would be brought against me, the Israeli police claimed there were 200 protesters), mostly Palestinians with a few regular Israelis and other foreigners.

After a few minutes we were confronted by the Israeli forces who informed us we were to disperse.

How does one begin to describe the outrage?

Fully armed soldiers on occupied land telling the people whose village they invaded that they must disperse. But in Palestine, this is normal so there is little outrage.

“Shoot them in the legs”

The usual pushing and shoving began and was then followed by the firing of tear gas, skunk water and, before too long, live ammunition.

Considering what had taken place there just two weeks earlier, seeing snipers take their positions and take aim at the kids on the hills was cause for serious concern. I heard someone whose name badge identified him as Raja Keyes order the snipers to “shoot them in the legs.”

Nabi Saleh residents began sitting in front of the snipers to block their sights. More tear gas, more skunk water and more snipers followed.

Keyes was right next to me when he walked to a group of women and children watching the events from the side of the road and, with a smile on his face, threw a tear gas grenade at them.

One of the mothers ran up a terrace to interfere with the snipers and was pushed around by soldiers. I ran up towards her, went around a young officer who tried to stop me and by the time I reached her they came for me.

Four or five officers, including Keyes had me in a tight grip. The officers were from Magav – although often described as “border police,” Magav is a unit within the Israeli military.

By that time, the officers had good reason to resent me and want me out of the way.

The photos and videos of my arrest made their way to social media, so suffice it to say they were not gentle and I was not compliant. (My arrest is at about 12:10 in the video below of the day’s events, made by Palestinian activist Bilal Tamimi.)

At one point after I was arrested, Keyes introduced himself formally to me as “force commander” and asked for my ID, which I did not have.

Later on, when I was taken away in the armored vehicle, he was seated in the front and I proceeded to tell him that he was no “commander” and he was not heading any “force” but rather they were all a gang of armed bullies.

But this is not about me or any other single activist. It is about the role that we Israelis can play which is unique because Israeli law provides us with a shield that Palestinians and international activists do not have.

It is not our role to play unbiased spectators or to document, nor is it our role to just follow along.

We can get in the faces of the commanders and the soldiers and disrupt their work. In fact, one of the comments made constantly by the commanders is that we are “disrupting their work, and will be arrested for that.”

My response is that this is precisely the point! Why show up if we let them go about their business?

When we are arrested we are always charged with disrupting officers on duty, even when we don’t, but that is exactly what we must do.

Along Highway 443 – sometimes known as the “apartheid highway” – there is a sign in Hebrew that says: “By order of the commanding general, Israelis are prohibited from entering the villages along this road.”

When activists do go to the villages to protest, they challenge this command. But still, the shield that our Israeli ID provides us can be used to disrupt the normalcy of the occupation everywhere.

Israelis, even dedicated, well-meaning ones, do far too little and we use far too little of our privilege to challenge and combat the injustice meted out against Palestinians.

Most Israeli activists won’t even call for refusal to serve in the Israeli army because they consider that too radical.

No one likes to be arrested, particularly when it involves a night or two in jail, sharing a smoke-filled room with no ventilation and no company save cockroaches and two-bit criminals who hate activists even more than they hate Arabs.

If we are to play a role in the overthrow of injustice, and if we are to one day see an end to the oppression of more than half of the people with whom we live, then we must use our privilege and act to end the normalcy and the oppression.

Miko Peled is the author of The General’s Son: Journey of an Israeli in Palestin

To all the villagers throughout occupied Palestine who refuse to submit, who confront the Zionist machinery of oppression, we pledge to do more in support of your struggle.

The example of the young girls in this video braces our hearts. The preposterous claim of the invaders, that they made the desert bloom, is comprehensively demolished by these daily acts of repression. Zionism is a death cult, spraying bullets, tear gas and skunk water into crowds of vibrant human beings.

And yes, Israeli Jews can do more to disrupt these crimes. So can others around the world. Boycott. Divest. Sanctions  

It is no secret that Israelis and Palestinians live two separate realities.









Miko Peled is the author of The General’s Son: Journey of an Israeli in Palestine.

How Israel treats Palestinian prisoners: 1,500 are on hunger strike

It is to be noted that 30% of Palestinian prisoners are youth, detained administratively without trial and for many months.

The following essay is a chapter of “Shadow of a Wall” (Zol al jidaar, 1997).  The letter of Palestinian prisoner Barghouthy to New York Times is worth reading.

Mortada Al-amine posted on FB

إضراب عن الطعام
كان العشاء قد وُزِّعَ أمام الأبواب المغلقة، تمهيداً لإدخاله إلى الزنازين، حين تردّدت في فضاء المعتقل كلمة “الإضراب”. لا أحد يعرف من أطلقها، ولكن الجميع كانوا جياعاً؛ وكانت كميّة الطعام الداخلة إلى الزنزانة بالكاد تشبع واحداً من نزلائها الستة.
يشتعل المعتقل بالكلمة. وتتناثر مطالب الزنازين في الفضاء المحدود.. ويتنقّل شباب “الكلفة” ــــ وهم معتقلون مهمّتهم توزيع الطعام ــــ بين الزنازين، لتوحيد المطالب والصفوف. والشرطة لاهية عن ذلك في الخارج.. في داخل كل زنزانة، ينعقد مجلس صغير للبحث في ما يمكن المطالبة به: طعام.. حمام.. دخان.. شمس.. أدوية.. زيارات..

ويقول أحدكم: “مشط”.. تثير الكلمة سخرية. كانوا يحلقون لكم دورياً كل شهرين، وهي فترة ما كانت تسمح للشعر بأن ينمو.. تنبّهونه إلى هذا الأمر، فلا يتراجع، ويضيف مطلباً جديداً: “أن لا يحلقوا لنا إجبارياً”.. كان ذلك نوعاً من الكماليات.. تنصرفون عنه. شيئاً فشيئاً تتكوّن اللائحة. تحتوي على الضروري من المطالب. ويتمّ الاتفاق: لن يدخل الطعام إلى الزنازين إلاّ إذا لُبِّيَتْ كل المطالب. لا مكان لأيّ وعود.
يجيء الشرطي ويبدأ فتح الأبواب لإدخال الطعام. كان الترقّب يلفّ المعتقل بالصمت. يقول معتقل في الزنزانة الأولى مخاطباً الشرطي: “لن نأكل حتى يحضر المسؤول الإسرائيلي!”. لا يقول الشرطي شيئاً.. وعند الزنزانة التالية يقولون له نفس الشيء.

يسأل عندئذٍ بصوت مرتفع: “من يريد أن يأكل؟”.. ويجيئه الرد فورياً: “لن نأكل حتى يحضر المسؤول الإسرائيلي!”.. يغادر الشرطي المعتقل بهدوء ولا مبالاة. يقول أحد المعتقلين: “سيأتون الآن لإدخال الطعام بالقوّة!”. تمرّ دقائق، وتجيء مجموعة من رجال الشرطة مدجّجة بالسلاح، وفي أيديهم هراوات يلوّحون بها في تهديد واضح.. يتجوّلون بين الزنازين..

يسألون عن أسباب الإضراب، ويحدّقون في الوجوه. يهمس القديم، ذو الخبرة: “يبحثون الآن عن أضعفنا لينفذوا من خلاله.”.. فوراً يجدونه. يدور حوار قصير مع الشرطي على مسمع من الجميع. كان الكل قلقين. على موقف هذا السجين يتوقّف مصير الإضراب. لم يكن السجين حاسماً، ولكنه قال في اختصار أنه لن يأكل إلاّ إذا كانت كمّية الطعام كافية لإشباعه.. يفتح الشرطي باب الزنزانة ويأمره بالخروج.. يصفعه على وجهه طالباً منه أن يأكل. لم يجب السجين. صفعة ثانية. يقول: “لن آكل إلاّ إذا شبعت!”.. ينهال عليه بالهراوة، والشتائم.. يقول السجين جملته القصيرة، ولا يأكل.

يعيده الشرطي إلى الزنزانة ويغلق الباب. يغمر الارتياح المعتقل. مرّت المرحلة الأصعب. ستعرف إدارة المعتقل الآن، أن هذا إضراب جدّي. يخرج رجال الشرطة، وترسل كل الزنازين تحياتها إلى الزنزانة التي صمدت. كانت المعنويات مرتفعة، وصار الخوف شيئاً منسياً. يقول ذو الخبرة: “سيجيئون الآن بوجوه كالزئبق.”. يدخل إلى الرواق إثنان من رجال الشرطة. هادئان.. لطيفان.. يؤكّدان على أحقّية مطالبكم.. و”أنهم” يشعرون معكم.. و”أنهم” كانوا ينتظرون هذا الإضراب منذ زمن.. “تأخّرتم عن المطالبة بحقوقكم..” يقولان.. “ولكن عليكم أن تفهموا أن الأوامر تأتي من الداخل.. من إسرائيل.. لا شيء يُبَتُّ هنا.”.. لذلك :”أمهلوا الإدارة.. ستنقل طلباتكم إلى المعنيّين لدراستها”.

أما الآن “فأدخلوا الطعام.. جعتم طويلاً، فلا بأس بأسبوع آخر..”. لم تلْقَ محاولاتهما ترحيباً. إهتزّ صمود البعض بالكلام المعسول، ولكن سرعان ما عدتم إلى الإلتفاف من جديد. “لا بأس. سوف ننتظر قرار الداخل”، تقول الزنازين. يخرج الشرطيان في سخط. ويقول ذو الخبرة: “سيتركوننا الآن للجوع وللوقت”.. “يعني، لن يزيدوا الطعام؟”.. يسأله أحدكم.. فيجيب في ثقة: “سيزيدونه بالقدر الذي نريد.. نحن الآن من يقرّر!”.
يطول انتظاركم. ويقف كثيرون محدّقين إلى الطعام المرمي أمام الأبواب، متحسّرين: “لندخله قبل أن يسحبه الذباب”.. يدخل شرطي: “عيّنوا لجنة من شخصين لمحاورة الإدارة”. ترفضون طلبه بالإجماع.. “هذا شرك لتفتيتنا”. يقول صاحبكم الخبير، محذراً.. يعود رجال الشرطة إلى ممرات المعتقل. يضربون الأرض بأقدامهم، فترنّ في قراغ الممرات مهدّدة.. كانت وجوههم متغضّنة بالحقد. تقابلونهم ببرود. لم تعد حركاتهم تعني شيئاً. ويقول صاحبكم: “لقد حملوا سلاحهم في وجه سلاحنا الذي شهرناه..”. تسألونه: “وأيّ سلاح نملك نحن العزّل؟”.. يقول: “العصيان”.
كانت حركات رجال الشرطة تزيد المعنويات ارتفاعاً. وكنتم واثقين من أن مطالبكم ستلبّى. فجأة، يعلو همس.. جاء الضابط الإسرائيلي. يقف رجال الشرطة بلا حراك. يختفون بالنسبة إليكم، فلا يعود لهم وجود. في كل مرة يأتي فيها الإسرائيلي، كانوا يذوبون. يصيرون لا شيء. ويسيرون خلفه كظلّه، في انتظار إشارة منه أو أمر. وكنت تستغرب: أين تروح كل قسوتهم وعجرفتهم.. وكيف يقبلون هذا الذلّ؟.. أما أنتم فكنتم تقفون قبالة الإسرائيلي وقوف الند. تطلبون. تناقشون ما يعرضه عليكم، وترفضون إغراءاته.. لكم شروطكم التي سيرضخ لها.. وكان رجال الشرطة يحسّون بهذا الفارق، فيخجلون من النظر إلى عيونكم.. وكنتم تزدادون إيماناً، ويذوب الحديد والأبواب والأقفال في شعور عارم بالثقة والاعتزاز. يقول صاحبكم: “سيمرّ الضابط على كل الغرف مهدّداً، ولكنه سيقبل في النهاية شروطنا”. كل المعتقل كان يعرف هذا الضابط. وهو كان يعرف كل المعتقل.. يذكر كلّ الوجوه.. وتفاصيل كل قضية بصغائرها.

وكانت قبضته، مثل ذاكرته قوية. ولكنكم الآن لا تخشون ذاكرته ولا قبضته.. تقفون عند أبواب زنزاناتكم، فيحدّق فيكم واحداً واحداً. يحاول أن يسخر فتجيء سخريته باهتة.. لا تثير ابتساماً إلاّ عند المتزلفين.. وهو يعرفهم ولا يأبه لهم. يقف ببابكم. خلفه ظلّه. ظلاله. خلفه لا أحد. يقول ببطء: “من لا يأكل، يموت”. لا تجيبون. يتطلّع مجدّداً ويقول: “من لا يأكل، سيموت في السجن..”. كانت كلماته تهديداً فارغاً بلا معنى. ينصرف إلى زنزانة ثانية. يدور على المعتقل بكامله. يعدكم بالنظر في المطالب: “فقط، أمهلوني إلى الغد”.. “سننتظر حتى الغد بدون طعام”.. يغضب. يقول أنه وعد. وأن الإسرائيلي يفي بوعوده، ولا يعرف الكذب. كان يشير إلى وعود مدير السجن اللبناني، التي أكلتها عقارب الساعة واحداً بعد الآخر. ذاب المدير خلف سيّده، ولم يدخل الطعام. يزمجر الضابط الإسرائيلي، وينصرف. كان المعتقلون في أوج المعركة صامدين. كانت المعركة قد انتهت.. وبدا النصر واضحاً.
يجيء رجال الشرطة. يخرجون “الكلفة” من جديد. يوزّعون طعاماً إضافياً. كان السرور عارماً. لأول مرة تأكلون كفايتكم. ويودّع بعضكم الجوع، مترحماً على أيامه.. ولكن صاحبكم الخبير يقول في هدوء: “كلوا الآن.. واعلموا أن الغد سيحمل جوعاً من جديد!..”.
من كتاب “ظل الجدار” ـــ 1997

TORTURE and ABUSE , PRISONERS, and ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION of Palestinians in Israel occupied territories



‘Israeli military justice authorities arbitrarily detained Palestinians who advocated non-violent protest against Israeli settlements and the route of the separation barrier.

In January,a military appeals court increased the prison sentence of Abdallah Abu Rahme, from the village of Bil’in, to 16 months in prison on charges of inciting violence and organizing illegal demonstrations, largely on the basis of coerced statements of children.’

  • According to the Israel Prison Service, there were about 4424 Palestinian prisoners and security detainees being held in Israeli prisons as of the end of April 2012. According to prisoners’ rights organization Addameer, there were 4653 Palestinians imprisoned by Israel as of May 1, 2012.
  • Since 1967, Israel has imprisoned upwards of 700,000 Palestinians from the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, or about 20% of the total population of the occupied territories.
  • Those who are charged are subjected to Israeli military courts that human rights organizations have criticized for failing to meet the minimum standards required for a fair trial.
  • According to Amnesty International’s 2011 Annual Report on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: “Palestinians in the [occupied territories] subject to Israel’s military justice system continued to face a wide range of abuses of their right to a fair trial. They are routinely interrogated without a lawyer and, although they are civilians, are tried before military not ordinary courts.”
  • According to Human Rights Watch’s 2012 World Report:


  • Until 1999, the use of torture by Israeli military and security forces was both widespread and officially condoned under the euphemism of “moderate physical pressure.” Methods included beatings, forcing prisoners into painful physical positions for long periods of time, and sleep deprivation.
  • In 2000 it was revealed that between 1988 and 1992 Israel’s internal security force, the Shin Bet, had systematically tortured Palestinians during the first, mostly nonviolent, uprising against Israel’s occupation, using methods that went beyond what was allowable under government guidelines for “moderate physical pressure.”
  • These methods included violent shaking, tying prisoners into painful positions for long periods, subjecting them to extreme heat or cold, and severe beatings, including kicking. At least 10 Palestinians died and hundreds of others were maimed as a result.
  • In 1999, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the use of “moderate physical pressure” was illegal, however reports of torture and abuse of Palestinian prisoners continued unabated.
  • Amnesty International’s 2011 Annual Report on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories states:

    Consistent allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, including of children, were frequently reported. Among the most commonly cited methods were beatings, threats to the detainee or their family, sleep deprivation, and being subjected to painful stress positions for long periods. Confessions allegedly obtained under duress were accepted as evidence in Israeli military and civilian courts.

  • Other abusive practices employed by Israel against Palestinian prisoners include the use of solitary confinement, denial of family visits, and forcing prisoners to live in unsanitary living conditions.
  • The harsh conditions endured by Palestinians in Israeli prisons prompted a series of hunger strikes, including a mass hunger strike by more than 1500 prisoners in early 2012 leading to some concessions from Israel. The concessions reportedly included an end to the use of solitary confinement as a punitive measure and allowing family visits for prisoners from Gaza.


  • Israel uses a procedure known as administrative detention to imprison Palestinians without charge or trial for months or even years. Administrative detention orders are normally issued for six-month periods, which can be extended indefinitely.
  • Administrative detention was first instituted by the British during the Mandate era in 1945, prior to the creation of Israel.
  • There are currently as of May 29, 2012, approximately 308 Palestinians being held in administrative detention.
  • Since 1967, some 100,000 administrative detention orders have been issued by Israel.
  • Although there are none currently being held in administrative detention, Israeli authorities have in the past used the procedure against Palestinian children as well as adults.
  • Israel’s frequent use of administrative detention has been condemned by human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as Israeli human rights groups like B’Tselem.
  • An end to the use of administrative detention was one of the main demands of a recent wave of hunger strikes by Palestinians in Israeli prisons.
  • In May 2012, Israeli Public Security Minister Yitzhak Aharonovitch implicitly admitted that Israel uses administrative detention for reasons other than stated urgent “security” concerns, urging authorities to “use it only if there’s a need.”

Israeli Gov’t Approves Plan To Punish People Who Disagree With Them

I Can See Palestine posted this Dec. 16, 2013:

The Israeli government has just passed a new law designed to punish people who disagree with them, a law which the attorney general and legal experts in the country say is both unconstitutional and a dangerous infringement on democratic freedom of expression within Israel.

The newly approved bill would impose a harsh new “tax” on any non-governmental organization whose managers expresses an opinion that conflicts with the currents policies of the Israeli government.

If even one manager of an NGO expresses support for the boycott of Israel, or for divestment and sanctions, or the trial of Israeli soldiers in international military courts for war crimes, or opposes Israel’s status as a “Jewish state,” any donation made to that NGO by a “foreign entity” would be taxed at a rate of 45%.

The approved version changed two clauses in the original proposal:

That a leftist nonprofit would be penalized even if only one member of its board violated one of the clauses for which sanctions are imposed, and that sanctions would be imposed on organizations working against “the Jewish-democratic identity of the state.” The latter clause would have included negating, even implicitly, Israel’s existence as a Jewish state, or calling for the separation of religion and state.

In an unusual move, it was agreed that the bill would be debated again by the ministerial panel after it passes its preliminary reading in the Knesset.

Under the revised bill, certain nonprofits that receive donations from a foreign entity would be required to pay a 45 percent tax on the contributions.

The law would apply to groups that work for or call on others to boycott Israel, stop investing in Israel, or impose sanctions on the state or its citizens. It would also apply to groups calling to prosecute IDF soldiers for war crimes, subsequently exposing such alleged acts, or calling to investigate them.

This means that the Israeli government has just passed a law declaring that they will effectively seize almost half of all funds donated to NGOs in Israel if their leaders do not toe the appropriate party line.

Freedom of expression in Israel is only for people who express the appropriate opinions, because… the safety and operational ability of the Israeli military depends on suppressing political dissent.

The bill was pushed by Jewish Home, which insists that it will protect Israeli soldiers from “immoral legal claims,” and insisted that not cracking down on the NGOs harms the military’s “operational ability.”

The Israeli attorney general has said the bill infringes on a number of the constitutional rights enshrined into Israel’s Basic Laws, such as freedom of expression and freedom of association.

AG Yehuda Weinstein says that the “tax hike” on NGOs is really a de facto fine designed to cut donations to the non-profits in question in ways which would harm freedom of expression in Israel.

“Limiting donations and harming non-profit organizations’ free speech, and in general harming human rights is something done by a group of countries that it is doubtful that Israel wants to join,” said Weinstein. He added that even if the purpose of the bill was proper, which he said he doubted, it exceeded any sense of proportion because of the serious ramifications it was likely to cause.

The issue of proportionality is important because under Israeli law the state may undertake an act that harms a right in one of Israel’s Basic Laws if it is consistent with the values of the State of Israel, intended for a proper purpose and the harm done is proportionate.

This issue of “proportionality” in keeping the values of the State of Israel is incredibly important because one of the State’s most fundamental tenets is its Jewish identity.

If the state feels there is anything which “threatens” that identity, such as calls for the separation of church and state or marriages between members of different faiths, then it may make whatever laws necessary to stop the practice, regardless of how it violates the democratic and human rights which Israel claims to uphold.

Former Israeli Supreme Court President Aharon Barak had this to say about the Israeli government’s violation of constitutional rights in relation to marriage equality in his forthcoming book “Human Dignity: The Constitutional Right and its Derivatives”:

“Anyone who is unable to marry according to religious law, and anyone who does not want to marry according to religious law for their own reasons, cannot marry in Israel.

Civil marriage is not recognized in Israel. This state of affairs violates the constitutional right to marry…The present law does not only violate the constitutional derived right to marriage, but it also often violates the derived right to freedom of conscience and freedom from religion.

A law that prevents two members of the same gender from entering a relationship of couplehood is a violation of the human dignity of each partner.”

These people who are refused the right to marry include the hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens who have entered the country under the Law of Return, but who are not considered Jewish by the Chief Rabbinate of Israel. This religious body is notorious for its attempts to be the sole arbiter of “who is a Jew,” not only in Israel but in the diaspora as well.

Then, of course, there is the gross violation of both the Basic Laws and international law with the practice of administrative detention, where individuals from asylum seekers to Palestinian residents (including children) are held without trial for extended periods of time.

Administrative Detention

The Israeli Supreme Court recently overturned a law which allowed the detainment of asylum seekers for up to three years without trial on the basis that it was “unconstitutional,” as it violated a basic law enshrining human dignity and freedom.

“In the opinion of all nine justices on the panel, the period of three years’ detention as stated in the law is unconstitutional,” judge Edna Arbel wrote.

Despite the unconstitutionality of their actions, the Israeli government seems to prefer to legislate first, then force people to go through the court system to change unconstitutional laws. This process is lengthy, expensive in time and money, and allows the Israeli government to continue violating human rights while the cases drag on.

Monetary punishment of people that disagree with the government is yet another mark against the government of Israel.

The Letter of Palestinian prisoner after 70 days of protest fasting: Bilal Kayed

To All who refused to bow down to indignity and still resist to reach our rights in a sovereign State

After 70 days of fasting and being near death, Israel bowed down on its administrative detention of Kayed and will release him in 3 months.

The Streets in Palestine witnessed frequent demonstrations demanding Kayed’s release

Samah Idriss shared this link

رسالة الأسير البطل بلال كايد في اليوم ال 70 من اضرابه التاريخي عن الطعام :
إلى جماهير شعبنا الأبيّ الصامد ..
إلى الذين رفضوا إلا أن ينتصروا للحق والوطن والعز والإباء..
في يومي السبعين من معركة الإباء والصمود والتحدي التي نخوضها معاً إنتصاراً لفلسطين الأبيّة والحركة النضالية وانتصاراً لكل ثائر في مشروع تحرير الأرض. أتقدم بكلماتي الحاضرة معكم في وقفات الشرف والحرية، لعلّي أكون في ساعاتي هذه قد غُيّب الجسد وأُذهِب العقل لكن الروح ما زالت صامدة وما زالت على قرارها الذي لا يمكن لأي قوة في العالم أن تثنيه إما النصر أو النصر ، فالنصر قريب بإذن الله، فارفعوا علامات النصر دائماً وأبداً ..
وأنا يا أُمي على العهد ويا شعبي الأبيّ ، ولن تنزلي يا أمي علامة النصر إلا وأنا منتصرٌ بكم ولكم ، ومعاً لكي تكون أجسادنا جسوراً ليدوسها المحرِرون والثائِِرون ..
فالعلا مُرادنا والشهادةُ فيها غُسل لذنوبنا وتقاعسنا عن رِفعةِ هذا الوطن ، وقد بدأت مرحلة جديدة من مراحل النضال الذي ينتصر عندما نُحافظ على لوائِه بأمانة ، فلا تُسقطوا الراية ، و ُعدنا لنقاوم لا لِنساوِم كما قالها الشهيد أبو علي مصطفى وذِكراه حاضِرة بيننا .
وحتما لمنتصرون
الأسير بلال كايد
مستشفى برزلاي – مدينة عسقلان




June 2023

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