Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘administrative detention

 

Why Israelis must disrupt the occupation

One of the most disturbing aspects about the reality in Palestine is its normalcy.

It has become normal to see Palestinians shot and killed, even children. ‘(And regular administrative detention of Palestinian youths)

The faces of young Palestinians showing up daily on social media, boys and girls shot by soldiers, accused falsely of attempting to stab a soldier.

It has become normal to see Israeli soldiers shooting skunk water and tear gas, and snipers using live ammunition at unarmed protesters who want the land that was once theirs and the freedom they never had.

And it has become normal for us to engage in the endless, fruitless debate on whether Palestinians throwing stones at armed Israeli soldiers who invade their homes constitutes violence, or whether or not Zionism – which produced this violence – is a racist ideology.

And all the while the suffering and the oppression of millions of Palestinians go on almost uninterrupted.

An Israeli sniper aiming at Palestinian protestors with live ammunition during confrontations following a protest against the occupation and in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners hunger strike, in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh, 26 May. Two weeks earlier in Nabi Saleh a protestor was shot and killed with the same type of weapon. Haidi Motola ActiveStills

One of the most disturbing aspects about the reality in Palestine is its normalcy.

It is no secret that Israelis and Palestinians live two separate realities.

Even when we privileged Israelis go to the village of Nabi Saleh on a Friday to participate in the weekly protest, at the end of the day we are free to leave the village, leave the occupation and return to our safe, clean, well-paved spheres.

Unlike the Palestinians we leave behind, our homes will not be raided, our roads will not be blocked and our children will not have to hide for days or weeks from the threat of being shot, arrested and tortured.

We return home sweaty and tired, covered in tear gas and skunk water and we feel we did our bit. But what bit did we do?

What is the role of the privileged Israeli activists within the resistance and why are we accomplishing so little?

To begin with we need to admit that this is resistance and ask whether we are willing to take part.

On any given Friday there may be about 10 Israeli activists, be it in Nabi Saleh or Bilin, currently the two main locations for Friday protests in the occupied West Bank. Some Israelis walk in the back, some in the front.

Shadows?

Some like to say they are merely documenting.

Most, like shadows, don’t seem like they know their place and don’t want to interfere. Few confront the Israeli forces. So the question that begs to be asked is, what are we accomplishing?

If we don’t use our privilege to push the envelope and to confront the Israeli authorities, then we are indeed mere shadows.

My latest visit to Nabi Saleh was on 26 May, exactly two weeks after Saba Abu Ubaid, 23, was shot and killed by Israeli forces during a protest there.

The march began, as always, with people walking down the hill from the mosque after noon prayer, carrying flags and chanting. There were about 30 or 40 people (though in the charges that would be brought against me, the Israeli police claimed there were 200 protesters), mostly Palestinians with a few regular Israelis and other foreigners.

After a few minutes we were confronted by the Israeli forces who informed us we were to disperse.

How does one begin to describe the outrage?

Fully armed soldiers on occupied land telling the people whose village they invaded that they must disperse. But in Palestine, this is normal so there is little outrage.

“Shoot them in the legs”

The usual pushing and shoving began and was then followed by the firing of tear gas, skunk water and, before too long, live ammunition.

Considering what had taken place there just two weeks earlier, seeing snipers take their positions and take aim at the kids on the hills was cause for serious concern. I heard someone whose name badge identified him as Raja Keyes order the snipers to “shoot them in the legs.”

Nabi Saleh residents began sitting in front of the snipers to block their sights. More tear gas, more skunk water and more snipers followed.

Keyes was right next to me when he walked to a group of women and children watching the events from the side of the road and, with a smile on his face, threw a tear gas grenade at them.

One of the mothers ran up a terrace to interfere with the snipers and was pushed around by soldiers. I ran up towards her, went around a young officer who tried to stop me and by the time I reached her they came for me.

Four or five officers, including Keyes had me in a tight grip. The officers were from Magav – although often described as “border police,” Magav is a unit within the Israeli military.

By that time, the officers had good reason to resent me and want me out of the way.

The photos and videos of my arrest made their way to social media, so suffice it to say they were not gentle and I was not compliant. (My arrest is at about 12:10 in the video below of the day’s events, made by Palestinian activist Bilal Tamimi.)

At one point after I was arrested, Keyes introduced himself formally to me as “force commander” and asked for my ID, which I did not have.

Later on, when I was taken away in the armored vehicle, he was seated in the front and I proceeded to tell him that he was no “commander” and he was not heading any “force” but rather they were all a gang of armed bullies.

But this is not about me or any other single activist. It is about the role that we Israelis can play which is unique because Israeli law provides us with a shield that Palestinians and international activists do not have.

It is not our role to play unbiased spectators or to document, nor is it our role to just follow along.

We can get in the faces of the commanders and the soldiers and disrupt their work. In fact, one of the comments made constantly by the commanders is that we are “disrupting their work, and will be arrested for that.”

My response is that this is precisely the point! Why show up if we let them go about their business?

When we are arrested we are always charged with disrupting officers on duty, even when we don’t, but that is exactly what we must do.

Along Highway 443 – sometimes known as the “apartheid highway” – there is a sign in Hebrew that says: “By order of the commanding general, Israelis are prohibited from entering the villages along this road.”

When activists do go to the villages to protest, they challenge this command. But still, the shield that our Israeli ID provides us can be used to disrupt the normalcy of the occupation everywhere.

Israelis, even dedicated, well-meaning ones, do far too little and we use far too little of our privilege to challenge and combat the injustice meted out against Palestinians.

Most Israeli activists won’t even call for refusal to serve in the Israeli army because they consider that too radical.

No one likes to be arrested, particularly when it involves a night or two in jail, sharing a smoke-filled room with no ventilation and no company save cockroaches and two-bit criminals who hate activists even more than they hate Arabs.

If we are to play a role in the overthrow of injustice, and if we are to one day see an end to the oppression of more than half of the people with whom we live, then we must use our privilege and act to end the normalcy and the oppression.

Miko Peled is the author of The General’s Son: Journey of an Israeli in Palestin

To all the villagers throughout occupied Palestine who refuse to submit, who confront the Zionist machinery of oppression, we pledge to do more in support of your struggle.

The example of the young girls in this video braces our hearts. The preposterous claim of the invaders, that they made the desert bloom, is comprehensively demolished by these daily acts of repression. Zionism is a death cult, spraying bullets, tear gas and skunk water into crowds of vibrant human beings.

And yes, Israeli Jews can do more to disrupt these crimes. So can others around the world. Boycott. Divest. Sanctions  

It is no secret that Israelis and Palestinians live two separate realities.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Miko Peled is the author of The General’s Son: Journey of an Israeli in Palestine.

How Israel treats Palestinian prisoners: 1,500 are on hunger strike

It is to be noted that 30% of Palestinian prisoners are youth, detained administratively without trial and for many months.

The following essay is a chapter of “Shadow of a Wall” (Zol al jidaar, 1997).  The letter of Palestinian prisoner Barghouthy to New York Times is worth reading.

Mortada Al-amine posted on FB

إضراب عن الطعام
كان العشاء قد وُزِّعَ أمام الأبواب المغلقة، تمهيداً لإدخاله إلى الزنازين، حين تردّدت في فضاء المعتقل كلمة “الإضراب”. لا أحد يعرف من أطلقها، ولكن الجميع كانوا جياعاً؛ وكانت كميّة الطعام الداخلة إلى الزنزانة بالكاد تشبع واحداً من نزلائها الستة.
يشتعل المعتقل بالكلمة. وتتناثر مطالب الزنازين في الفضاء المحدود.. ويتنقّل شباب “الكلفة” ــــ وهم معتقلون مهمّتهم توزيع الطعام ــــ بين الزنازين، لتوحيد المطالب والصفوف. والشرطة لاهية عن ذلك في الخارج.. في داخل كل زنزانة، ينعقد مجلس صغير للبحث في ما يمكن المطالبة به: طعام.. حمام.. دخان.. شمس.. أدوية.. زيارات..

ويقول أحدكم: “مشط”.. تثير الكلمة سخرية. كانوا يحلقون لكم دورياً كل شهرين، وهي فترة ما كانت تسمح للشعر بأن ينمو.. تنبّهونه إلى هذا الأمر، فلا يتراجع، ويضيف مطلباً جديداً: “أن لا يحلقوا لنا إجبارياً”.. كان ذلك نوعاً من الكماليات.. تنصرفون عنه. شيئاً فشيئاً تتكوّن اللائحة. تحتوي على الضروري من المطالب. ويتمّ الاتفاق: لن يدخل الطعام إلى الزنازين إلاّ إذا لُبِّيَتْ كل المطالب. لا مكان لأيّ وعود.
يجيء الشرطي ويبدأ فتح الأبواب لإدخال الطعام. كان الترقّب يلفّ المعتقل بالصمت. يقول معتقل في الزنزانة الأولى مخاطباً الشرطي: “لن نأكل حتى يحضر المسؤول الإسرائيلي!”. لا يقول الشرطي شيئاً.. وعند الزنزانة التالية يقولون له نفس الشيء.

يسأل عندئذٍ بصوت مرتفع: “من يريد أن يأكل؟”.. ويجيئه الرد فورياً: “لن نأكل حتى يحضر المسؤول الإسرائيلي!”.. يغادر الشرطي المعتقل بهدوء ولا مبالاة. يقول أحد المعتقلين: “سيأتون الآن لإدخال الطعام بالقوّة!”. تمرّ دقائق، وتجيء مجموعة من رجال الشرطة مدجّجة بالسلاح، وفي أيديهم هراوات يلوّحون بها في تهديد واضح.. يتجوّلون بين الزنازين..

يسألون عن أسباب الإضراب، ويحدّقون في الوجوه. يهمس القديم، ذو الخبرة: “يبحثون الآن عن أضعفنا لينفذوا من خلاله.”.. فوراً يجدونه. يدور حوار قصير مع الشرطي على مسمع من الجميع. كان الكل قلقين. على موقف هذا السجين يتوقّف مصير الإضراب. لم يكن السجين حاسماً، ولكنه قال في اختصار أنه لن يأكل إلاّ إذا كانت كمّية الطعام كافية لإشباعه.. يفتح الشرطي باب الزنزانة ويأمره بالخروج.. يصفعه على وجهه طالباً منه أن يأكل. لم يجب السجين. صفعة ثانية. يقول: “لن آكل إلاّ إذا شبعت!”.. ينهال عليه بالهراوة، والشتائم.. يقول السجين جملته القصيرة، ولا يأكل.

يعيده الشرطي إلى الزنزانة ويغلق الباب. يغمر الارتياح المعتقل. مرّت المرحلة الأصعب. ستعرف إدارة المعتقل الآن، أن هذا إضراب جدّي. يخرج رجال الشرطة، وترسل كل الزنازين تحياتها إلى الزنزانة التي صمدت. كانت المعنويات مرتفعة، وصار الخوف شيئاً منسياً. يقول ذو الخبرة: “سيجيئون الآن بوجوه كالزئبق.”. يدخل إلى الرواق إثنان من رجال الشرطة. هادئان.. لطيفان.. يؤكّدان على أحقّية مطالبكم.. و”أنهم” يشعرون معكم.. و”أنهم” كانوا ينتظرون هذا الإضراب منذ زمن.. “تأخّرتم عن المطالبة بحقوقكم..” يقولان.. “ولكن عليكم أن تفهموا أن الأوامر تأتي من الداخل.. من إسرائيل.. لا شيء يُبَتُّ هنا.”.. لذلك :”أمهلوا الإدارة.. ستنقل طلباتكم إلى المعنيّين لدراستها”.

أما الآن “فأدخلوا الطعام.. جعتم طويلاً، فلا بأس بأسبوع آخر..”. لم تلْقَ محاولاتهما ترحيباً. إهتزّ صمود البعض بالكلام المعسول، ولكن سرعان ما عدتم إلى الإلتفاف من جديد. “لا بأس. سوف ننتظر قرار الداخل”، تقول الزنازين. يخرج الشرطيان في سخط. ويقول ذو الخبرة: “سيتركوننا الآن للجوع وللوقت”.. “يعني، لن يزيدوا الطعام؟”.. يسأله أحدكم.. فيجيب في ثقة: “سيزيدونه بالقدر الذي نريد.. نحن الآن من يقرّر!”.
يطول انتظاركم. ويقف كثيرون محدّقين إلى الطعام المرمي أمام الأبواب، متحسّرين: “لندخله قبل أن يسحبه الذباب”.. يدخل شرطي: “عيّنوا لجنة من شخصين لمحاورة الإدارة”. ترفضون طلبه بالإجماع.. “هذا شرك لتفتيتنا”. يقول صاحبكم الخبير، محذراً.. يعود رجال الشرطة إلى ممرات المعتقل. يضربون الأرض بأقدامهم، فترنّ في قراغ الممرات مهدّدة.. كانت وجوههم متغضّنة بالحقد. تقابلونهم ببرود. لم تعد حركاتهم تعني شيئاً. ويقول صاحبكم: “لقد حملوا سلاحهم في وجه سلاحنا الذي شهرناه..”. تسألونه: “وأيّ سلاح نملك نحن العزّل؟”.. يقول: “العصيان”.
كانت حركات رجال الشرطة تزيد المعنويات ارتفاعاً. وكنتم واثقين من أن مطالبكم ستلبّى. فجأة، يعلو همس.. جاء الضابط الإسرائيلي. يقف رجال الشرطة بلا حراك. يختفون بالنسبة إليكم، فلا يعود لهم وجود. في كل مرة يأتي فيها الإسرائيلي، كانوا يذوبون. يصيرون لا شيء. ويسيرون خلفه كظلّه، في انتظار إشارة منه أو أمر. وكنت تستغرب: أين تروح كل قسوتهم وعجرفتهم.. وكيف يقبلون هذا الذلّ؟.. أما أنتم فكنتم تقفون قبالة الإسرائيلي وقوف الند. تطلبون. تناقشون ما يعرضه عليكم، وترفضون إغراءاته.. لكم شروطكم التي سيرضخ لها.. وكان رجال الشرطة يحسّون بهذا الفارق، فيخجلون من النظر إلى عيونكم.. وكنتم تزدادون إيماناً، ويذوب الحديد والأبواب والأقفال في شعور عارم بالثقة والاعتزاز. يقول صاحبكم: “سيمرّ الضابط على كل الغرف مهدّداً، ولكنه سيقبل في النهاية شروطنا”. كل المعتقل كان يعرف هذا الضابط. وهو كان يعرف كل المعتقل.. يذكر كلّ الوجوه.. وتفاصيل كل قضية بصغائرها.

وكانت قبضته، مثل ذاكرته قوية. ولكنكم الآن لا تخشون ذاكرته ولا قبضته.. تقفون عند أبواب زنزاناتكم، فيحدّق فيكم واحداً واحداً. يحاول أن يسخر فتجيء سخريته باهتة.. لا تثير ابتساماً إلاّ عند المتزلفين.. وهو يعرفهم ولا يأبه لهم. يقف ببابكم. خلفه ظلّه. ظلاله. خلفه لا أحد. يقول ببطء: “من لا يأكل، يموت”. لا تجيبون. يتطلّع مجدّداً ويقول: “من لا يأكل، سيموت في السجن..”. كانت كلماته تهديداً فارغاً بلا معنى. ينصرف إلى زنزانة ثانية. يدور على المعتقل بكامله. يعدكم بالنظر في المطالب: “فقط، أمهلوني إلى الغد”.. “سننتظر حتى الغد بدون طعام”.. يغضب. يقول أنه وعد. وأن الإسرائيلي يفي بوعوده، ولا يعرف الكذب. كان يشير إلى وعود مدير السجن اللبناني، التي أكلتها عقارب الساعة واحداً بعد الآخر. ذاب المدير خلف سيّده، ولم يدخل الطعام. يزمجر الضابط الإسرائيلي، وينصرف. كان المعتقلون في أوج المعركة صامدين. كانت المعركة قد انتهت.. وبدا النصر واضحاً.
يجيء رجال الشرطة. يخرجون “الكلفة” من جديد. يوزّعون طعاماً إضافياً. كان السرور عارماً. لأول مرة تأكلون كفايتكم. ويودّع بعضكم الجوع، مترحماً على أيامه.. ولكن صاحبكم الخبير يقول في هدوء: “كلوا الآن.. واعلموا أن الغد سيحمل جوعاً من جديد!..”.
من كتاب “ظل الجدار” ـــ 1997

TORTURE and ABUSE , PRISONERS, and ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION of Palestinians in Israel occupied territories

FACTS & FIGURES –

PRISONERS

‘Israeli military justice authorities arbitrarily detained Palestinians who advocated non-violent protest against Israeli settlements and the route of the separation barrier.

In January,a military appeals court increased the prison sentence of Abdallah Abu Rahme, from the village of Bil’in, to 16 months in prison on charges of inciting violence and organizing illegal demonstrations, largely on the basis of coerced statements of children.’

  • According to the Israel Prison Service, there were about 4424 Palestinian prisoners and security detainees being held in Israeli prisons as of the end of April 2012. According to prisoners’ rights organization Addameer, there were 4653 Palestinians imprisoned by Israel as of May 1, 2012.
  • Since 1967, Israel has imprisoned upwards of 700,000 Palestinians from the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, or about 20% of the total population of the occupied territories.
  • Those who are charged are subjected to Israeli military courts that human rights organizations have criticized for failing to meet the minimum standards required for a fair trial.
  • According to Amnesty International’s 2011 Annual Report on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: “Palestinians in the [occupied territories] subject to Israel’s military justice system continued to face a wide range of abuses of their right to a fair trial. They are routinely interrogated without a lawyer and, although they are civilians, are tried before military not ordinary courts.”
  • According to Human Rights Watch’s 2012 World Report:

– TORTURE & ABUSE –

  • Until 1999, the use of torture by Israeli military and security forces was both widespread and officially condoned under the euphemism of “moderate physical pressure.” Methods included beatings, forcing prisoners into painful physical positions for long periods of time, and sleep deprivation.
  • In 2000 it was revealed that between 1988 and 1992 Israel’s internal security force, the Shin Bet, had systematically tortured Palestinians during the first, mostly nonviolent, uprising against Israel’s occupation, using methods that went beyond what was allowable under government guidelines for “moderate physical pressure.”
  • These methods included violent shaking, tying prisoners into painful positions for long periods, subjecting them to extreme heat or cold, and severe beatings, including kicking. At least 10 Palestinians died and hundreds of others were maimed as a result.
  • In 1999, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the use of “moderate physical pressure” was illegal, however reports of torture and abuse of Palestinian prisoners continued unabated.
  • Amnesty International’s 2011 Annual Report on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories states:

    Consistent allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, including of children, were frequently reported. Among the most commonly cited methods were beatings, threats to the detainee or their family, sleep deprivation, and being subjected to painful stress positions for long periods. Confessions allegedly obtained under duress were accepted as evidence in Israeli military and civilian courts.

  • Other abusive practices employed by Israel against Palestinian prisoners include the use of solitary confinement, denial of family visits, and forcing prisoners to live in unsanitary living conditions.
  • The harsh conditions endured by Palestinians in Israeli prisons prompted a series of hunger strikes, including a mass hunger strike by more than 1500 prisoners in early 2012 leading to some concessions from Israel. The concessions reportedly included an end to the use of solitary confinement as a punitive measure and allowing family visits for prisoners from Gaza.

– ADMINISTRATIVE DETENTION –

  • Israel uses a procedure known as administrative detention to imprison Palestinians without charge or trial for months or even years. Administrative detention orders are normally issued for six-month periods, which can be extended indefinitely.
  • Administrative detention was first instituted by the British during the Mandate era in 1945, prior to the creation of Israel.
  • There are currently as of May 29, 2012, approximately 308 Palestinians being held in administrative detention.
  • Since 1967, some 100,000 administrative detention orders have been issued by Israel.
  • Although there are none currently being held in administrative detention, Israeli authorities have in the past used the procedure against Palestinian children as well as adults.
  • Israel’s frequent use of administrative detention has been condemned by human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as Israeli human rights groups like B’Tselem.
  • An end to the use of administrative detention was one of the main demands of a recent wave of hunger strikes by Palestinians in Israeli prisons.
  • In May 2012, Israeli Public Security Minister Yitzhak Aharonovitch implicitly admitted that Israel uses administrative detention for reasons other than stated urgent “security” concerns, urging authorities to “use it only if there’s a need.”

Israeli Gov’t Approves Plan To Punish People Who Disagree With Them

I Can See Palestine posted this Dec. 16, 2013:

The Israeli government has just passed a new law designed to punish people who disagree with them, a law which the attorney general and legal experts in the country say is both unconstitutional and a dangerous infringement on democratic freedom of expression within Israel.

The newly approved bill would impose a harsh new “tax” on any non-governmental organization whose managers expresses an opinion that conflicts with the currents policies of the Israeli government.

If even one manager of an NGO expresses support for the boycott of Israel, or for divestment and sanctions, or the trial of Israeli soldiers in international military courts for war crimes, or opposes Israel’s status as a “Jewish state,” any donation made to that NGO by a “foreign entity” would be taxed at a rate of 45%.

The approved version changed two clauses in the original proposal:

That a leftist nonprofit would be penalized even if only one member of its board violated one of the clauses for which sanctions are imposed, and that sanctions would be imposed on organizations working against “the Jewish-democratic identity of the state.” The latter clause would have included negating, even implicitly, Israel’s existence as a Jewish state, or calling for the separation of religion and state.

In an unusual move, it was agreed that the bill would be debated again by the ministerial panel after it passes its preliminary reading in the Knesset.

Under the revised bill, certain nonprofits that receive donations from a foreign entity would be required to pay a 45 percent tax on the contributions.

The law would apply to groups that work for or call on others to boycott Israel, stop investing in Israel, or impose sanctions on the state or its citizens. It would also apply to groups calling to prosecute IDF soldiers for war crimes, subsequently exposing such alleged acts, or calling to investigate them.

This means that the Israeli government has just passed a law declaring that they will effectively seize almost half of all funds donated to NGOs in Israel if their leaders do not toe the appropriate party line.

Freedom of expression in Israel is only for people who express the appropriate opinions, because… the safety and operational ability of the Israeli military depends on suppressing political dissent.

The bill was pushed by Jewish Home, which insists that it will protect Israeli soldiers from “immoral legal claims,” and insisted that not cracking down on the NGOs harms the military’s “operational ability.”

The Israeli attorney general has said the bill infringes on a number of the constitutional rights enshrined into Israel’s Basic Laws, such as freedom of expression and freedom of association.

AG Yehuda Weinstein says that the “tax hike” on NGOs is really a de facto fine designed to cut donations to the non-profits in question in ways which would harm freedom of expression in Israel.

“Limiting donations and harming non-profit organizations’ free speech, and in general harming human rights is something done by a group of countries that it is doubtful that Israel wants to join,” said Weinstein. He added that even if the purpose of the bill was proper, which he said he doubted, it exceeded any sense of proportion because of the serious ramifications it was likely to cause.

The issue of proportionality is important because under Israeli law the state may undertake an act that harms a right in one of Israel’s Basic Laws if it is consistent with the values of the State of Israel, intended for a proper purpose and the harm done is proportionate.

This issue of “proportionality” in keeping the values of the State of Israel is incredibly important because one of the State’s most fundamental tenets is its Jewish identity.

If the state feels there is anything which “threatens” that identity, such as calls for the separation of church and state or marriages between members of different faiths, then it may make whatever laws necessary to stop the practice, regardless of how it violates the democratic and human rights which Israel claims to uphold.

Former Israeli Supreme Court President Aharon Barak had this to say about the Israeli government’s violation of constitutional rights in relation to marriage equality in his forthcoming book “Human Dignity: The Constitutional Right and its Derivatives”:

“Anyone who is unable to marry according to religious law, and anyone who does not want to marry according to religious law for their own reasons, cannot marry in Israel.

Civil marriage is not recognized in Israel. This state of affairs violates the constitutional right to marry…The present law does not only violate the constitutional derived right to marriage, but it also often violates the derived right to freedom of conscience and freedom from religion.

A law that prevents two members of the same gender from entering a relationship of couplehood is a violation of the human dignity of each partner.”

These people who are refused the right to marry include the hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens who have entered the country under the Law of Return, but who are not considered Jewish by the Chief Rabbinate of Israel. This religious body is notorious for its attempts to be the sole arbiter of “who is a Jew,” not only in Israel but in the diaspora as well.

Then, of course, there is the gross violation of both the Basic Laws and international law with the practice of administrative detention, where individuals from asylum seekers to Palestinian residents (including children) are held without trial for extended periods of time.

Administrative Detention

The Israeli Supreme Court recently overturned a law which allowed the detainment of asylum seekers for up to three years without trial on the basis that it was “unconstitutional,” as it violated a basic law enshrining human dignity and freedom.

“In the opinion of all nine justices on the panel, the period of three years’ detention as stated in the law is unconstitutional,” judge Edna Arbel wrote.

Despite the unconstitutionality of their actions, the Israeli government seems to prefer to legislate first, then force people to go through the court system to change unconstitutional laws. This process is lengthy, expensive in time and money, and allows the Israeli government to continue violating human rights while the cases drag on.

Monetary punishment of people that disagree with the government is yet another mark against the government of Israel.

The Letter of Palestinian prisoner after 70 days of protest fasting: Bilal Kayed

To All who refused to bow down to indignity and still resist to reach our rights in a sovereign State

After 70 days of fasting and being near death, Israel bowed down on its administrative detention of Kayed and will release him in 3 months.

The Streets in Palestine witnessed frequent demonstrations demanding Kayed’s release

Samah Idriss shared this link

رسالة الأسير البطل بلال كايد في اليوم ال 70 من اضرابه التاريخي عن الطعام :
إلى جماهير شعبنا الأبيّ الصامد ..
إلى الذين رفضوا إلا أن ينتصروا للحق والوطن والعز والإباء..
في يومي السبعين من معركة الإباء والصمود والتحدي التي نخوضها معاً إنتصاراً لفلسطين الأبيّة والحركة النضالية وانتصاراً لكل ثائر في مشروع تحرير الأرض. أتقدم بكلماتي الحاضرة معكم في وقفات الشرف والحرية، لعلّي أكون في ساعاتي هذه قد غُيّب الجسد وأُذهِب العقل لكن الروح ما زالت صامدة وما زالت على قرارها الذي لا يمكن لأي قوة في العالم أن تثنيه إما النصر أو النصر ، فالنصر قريب بإذن الله، فارفعوا علامات النصر دائماً وأبداً ..
وأنا يا أُمي على العهد ويا شعبي الأبيّ ، ولن تنزلي يا أمي علامة النصر إلا وأنا منتصرٌ بكم ولكم ، ومعاً لكي تكون أجسادنا جسوراً ليدوسها المحرِرون والثائِِرون ..
فالعلا مُرادنا والشهادةُ فيها غُسل لذنوبنا وتقاعسنا عن رِفعةِ هذا الوطن ، وقد بدأت مرحلة جديدة من مراحل النضال الذي ينتصر عندما نُحافظ على لوائِه بأمانة ، فلا تُسقطوا الراية ، و ُعدنا لنقاوم لا لِنساوِم كما قالها الشهيد أبو علي مصطفى وذِكراه حاضِرة بيننا .
وحتما لمنتصرون
أخوكم
الأسير بلال كايد
23/8/2016
مستشفى برزلاي – مدينة عسقلان

What Does Jailing a Palestinian Politician Say About Israeli Democracy?

Khalida Jarrar,  a member of parliament, was sentenced to 15 months in prison this week for membership in an illegal organization and incitement, but was her trial in a military court just? (These news remind me of peaceful youth demonstrators being held in military courts in Lebanon)

Khalida Jarrar is a political prisoner.

The Ofer Military Court, which on Monday sentenced the Palestinian parliamentarian to 15 months in prison for membership in an illegal organization and incitement, is a political court that punished her for her political activity, and for that alone.

Thus Israel, which pretends to be a democracy, has political prisoners, political arrests and political prison sentences, at least in the occupied territories.

(In the occupied territory or taken from the occupied territory? And the Palestinians of 1948, no one of them was held because of his political allegiance?)

Andrew Bossone shared a link.

Jarrar’s trial once again proved the intolerable contradiction between the rule of law and the principles of justice, on one hand, and the military justice system on the other. The latter has no relationship to the former. (In what way? Simply because the officers are no civilian judges?)

Jarrar was arrested at her home in Al-Bireh in April.

The defense establishment claimed at the time that the reason for the arrest was her violation of a military order that allowed her to live only in the Jericho area, far from her home.

No other crime was mentioned. Later, she was indicted on 12 different counts, some of them ridiculous and even outrageous, like attending a book fair and paying condolence visits. In the end, she was convicted on two counts in a plea bargain.

One military court judge ordered her freed long ago; another ordered her kept in prison until the end of her trial; and the military prosecutor threatened her – and essentially the court as well – by saying that if she were released, she’d be thrown in jail without trial,

In other words placed in administrative detention. (The way 60% of Palestinian youths and adolescents are jailed, on No charges, and for many months)

This is not how the legal system of a properly run state conducts itself.

Even the fact that Jarrar is a legislator, a member of parliament, an elected representative of her people – a post that ought to grant her immunity from political charges – didn’t give her a moment’s protection. Israel treated her brutally, just as it treats every Palestinian it deems suspect.

First it tried to keep her away from her hometown with a draconian military order.

Then it tried to put her in administration detention, which is no less arbitrary.

Finally, and only after public and international pressure for her release had intensified, members of the military justice system were forced to fabricate an indictment against her – most of which, as noted, collapsed.

 Essentially, this was a Band-Aid, based at least in part on dubious evidence, including vague hearsay evidence and testimony obtained under pressure.

The fact that Jarrar was thrown into prison because of her political activity on behalf of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine is first and foremost an indictment of the State of Israel, which puts politicians on trial because of their legitimate opposition to the occupation and even sentences them to jail.

Jarrar and her attorneys decided to accept the plea bargain in order to shorten her trial, and thereby the length of her detention until the end of proceedings.

But the black flag that flies over the shameful imprisonment of a Palestinian member of parliament will continue to fly over the State of Israel, tarnishing her jailers and, above all, those who are responsible for them

Symbolic Capital of what? Hatred, successive occupations, genocides, indignities, apartheid

Synagogue, Mosque Al Aqsa, Jerusalem, attacks, killing, settlements…

 One religious sect is intent on killing as many of another religious sect and denying it the rights to exercise its faith…

Want to understand the attack on the synagogue in Jerusalem today?

First, understand that Jerusalem is occupied. The land is not “disputed” or “contested.” It is occupied.

Second, recognize that human rights violations continue  on a daily basis against Palestinians, both in occupied Jerusalem and in the larger occupied West Bank (as well as within “Israel” and, of course, in Gaza).

Homes are demolished very frequently for one reason or another, for expansion of settlements, punishing the families of kids who killed a heinous settler who cut down the olive trees (11,000 olive and fruit trees were cut down by settlers this year alone)

From 1999 to May 2014, almost 1,000 homes in occupied Jerusalem were demolished, leaving more than 2,028 Palestinians house-less.

Third, Children are detained by Israeli military. And administrative detention for long periods is the norm. Over 60% of Palestinian youth went through the revolving doors of prison with no charges

Fourth, People are lynched, shot, tortured, injured – on a regular basis.
Fifth, Land is continually stolen. Israel plans to build 500 new colonies – leading to the expulsion of 1,000 Palestinians from their homes and their lands!
Sixth, Palestinian Lives are regularly dehumanized. Decent living standards deliberately denied.

Seventh, 75% of the Palestinian Jerusalemites live below the poverty line.  

Since early June, Palestinian neighborhoods have been flooded with tear gas, skunk water, and drones.

Eight,  Residency rights for Palestinian Jerusalemites denied (while any Jew can live there).  Since 1967, on average 200 Palestinians have been denied their residency rights in Jerusalem. More than 14,309 Palestinians have been denied their residency rights since 1967. This is ethnic cleansing, since the Jews consider themselves a Race.

Apartheid strengthened. Example: Two days ago, Israeli military officials defended the attack of a 10-year-old Palestinian boy at the Kissufim checkpoint, after troops shot him in the neck for “loitering.”

Israeli military confirm that shooting the child in the neck for “loitering” was consistent with the military protocol.

Nine, recognize that these human rights violations are supported by the institutions within Israel – from military, to settlers, to media, to universities.

Example: Israeli settlers lynch a Palestinian driver, Hassan Yousef Rammouni, 32, and father of two children, in occupied Jerusalem.

Israeli authorities respond by prohibiting Hassan’s family from taking his body until they sign a paper declaring that Hassan committed suicide.

Example: Israeli forces fail to probe 83% of settler violence cases — rights group.

Example: Israeli settlers regularly “hit-and-run” Palestinians and no charged are imposed on them; all are regarded as mere “accidents.”

Tenth, refuse to decontextualize this act from the ongoing occupation. It CANNOT be separated.

Eleventh, it honestly doesn’t matter if you personally support or condemn the attack, if you stand with liberation and justice, then stand with the occupied people’s right to resist, stand with the struggle, stand against occupation and apartheid.

Twelfth, still having difficulty? Well – did you support the French resistance against the Nazi occupation?


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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