Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘Afflictions of a Nation

Part 4. Genesis of Hezbollah of Lebanon: Resistance to Israel occupation accelerating the pace

I have published four articles on the genesis of Hezbollah: One article described the geopolitical and social context of Iran Islamic revolution, and the living condition of the citizens in south Lebanon during the 22 years of Israel occupation.  How the Lebanese resistance to the Israeli occupation, particularly Hezbollah, got organized, developed, and managed to kick out Israel in the year 2000 without preconditions or any negotiation?

It is recommended, in order to appreciate the facts, eye-witness accounts, and reports of Robert Fisk, which points to the creation of Hezbollah and how it started to resist Israel occupation of Lebanon from 1982 to 2000, to read

Robert Fisk wrote the book “Afflictions of a Nation” and I am reading the Arabic translated version. Fisk was the correspondent to the British The Times in Beirut and covered Lebanon civil war for nine years. I am summarizing one of the chapters.

“My visits to south Lebanon increased in difficulties: Israeli check points refused foreign correspondents access to the region. Israeli officer Albert cursed the CBS team and peppered his machine gun around their car.  They insisted on us to obtain prior permits for our visits and even wanted to take a look at our investigative reports to our dailies.

I once toured Charles Wilson, vice-chairman at The times, in the south. As we arrived to Saida, the officer Albert Cohen with number K272632 detained us saying: “You are not to enter Saida.  Military order.”  He turned to a militia and ordered him: “Lead these pigs toward Beirut”.

I had called Charles Douglas at The Times complaining of Israeli harassment and he said: “You are a British citizen, and you have the right to travel any place you want. You don’t need Israeli permits to move around, and never allow them to taking a look at your reports…”

Long lines of Lebanese waited on the only two access bridges to the south:  The Awali River Bridge and the Bater Bridge high up on the mountain.  The inhabitants overcame all these harassment tactics to reach their homes.  By 1984, the Israeli army was suffering terrible lack of order and organization:  I have witnessed the Israeli soldiers ransacking houses, breaking furniture, mixing rice with dirt, pouring olive oil on beds…

The Israeli TV has recorded a children song that says: “O plane land; fly us out of Lebanon; we are fighting for Sharon; we return in gaskets…” One Israeli soldier told me: “I don’t want to be here.  Definitely, this Ariel Sharon is a testified lunatic…”

The town of Gebsheet (where the religious Shia clerics, sheikh Raghed Harb, was assassinated in 1984) had become the center of resistance to Israel occupation:  The militias of Saad Haddad frequently committed acts of genocides and atrocities.  Khadija Atawi (18 year-old) was left to bleed to death on the street for 4 hours in March 24, 1984. Khadija’s family suffered three injured young kids. Sobhia Akhtar, mother of ten kids, exited her house carrying onions (people learned to rub their eyes with onion juice to resist tear gas).  Apparently, a milita viewed the onion for a hand grenade! Sobhia was shot in the heart. That morning, 10 resistance fighters had fled the town before the arrival of the Israeli force.

Sheikh Adel Karim Obeid had replaced martyr Ragheb Harb.  He said: “Whoever quits his religion is liable to face death”. (In July 1989, Israel kidnapped sheik Obeid,  an act that lead to the killing of the America hostage Colonel William Higgins).

In the village of Maaraka, Israel responded by detaining 100 youth and then released 40 from the Ansar Prison as “good will” gesture during the Moslem religious Fitr celebration.  Israel started another wave of terror tactics.  Dozens of Shin Beth agents, in civilian cloths, crossed the UN check points by simply showing their badges.  Their entrance cards were stamped by their commander Colonel Schneider in Tyr.  Their badges read: “Israel Defense force: Chiroot Betakhun”.  The duty of these agents was to randomly shoot-to-kill civilians in towns they entered: They were dispatched as assassination teams.

For example, one of the assassination team of 15 agents arrived in 3 cars to the town of Bedias.  Two cars kept turning around at high-speed to prevent the inhabitants from gathering. Eight soldiers kept vigil at building entrances.  The Shin Beth agents dragged to one car Mershed Nahas, a gas station owner, and told him: ” Choose the way you like to die”.  Mershed was let to step away and then shot to the head by four agents (from eye-witness people).  Mershed refused to become an informer and join the militia group formed by the Shin Beth.

The people got to be very familiar with these terrorist agents who adopted Palestinian code-names such as Abu Yussef, Abu George, Aby Gharzia, or major Sami…The resistance targeted Abu Youssef on its wanted list because he led the assassination team of Ragheb Harb.

The resistance in the south galvanized the resistance forces in West Beirut, mostly headed by Amal. Western foreign officials, especially of the US and France, witnessed a wave of kidnapping.  In January 1984, the US university professor Frank Rajir and French engineer Christian Jouber were kidnapped.  In March, Jeremy Levine of CNN, William Buckley (who turned out to be effectively the chief CIA agent in the Middle-East) were kidnapped.

In July 13, 1984, the last US Marines forces withdrew from Lebanon.  We felt that the worst is to come. Ronald Reagan had said: “What do you expect us to do?  We thought to be a deterrent force, and it turned out that the Islamic Jihad had no fear of us and gladly committed suicide car bombing on our troops as their favorite targets…”

Israel began constructing fortified bunkers (60 meters long, 6 wide, and 15 high).  Military buses were constantly accompanied by tanks.  The 20 year-old Ali Safi el Din crashed his car, filled with explosives, in an Israeli convoy on April 12, 1983, at Jisr Daire Kanooun:  Ali had lost his detained brother in the prison of Tyr. this new weapon of blowing cars was to become an efficient tactics against Israel occupation.

South Lebanon living conditions: Under 22 years of Israel occupation

I am attaching a summary of Robert Fisk accounts in the book “Afflictions of a Nation“.  Fisk was a correspondent to the British The Times and covered the civil war in Lebanon for 9 years.

“Four months after the genocide, which was committed by Israel in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Chatila (Beirut, 1982), Israel occupation troops suffered casualties due to local resistance factions using hand grenades, land mines, and automatic rifles. All in all, 17 Israeli soldiers were killed and over 70 injured.

As Israel was surrounding the Capital Beirut, it was already imposing its military administration on a region of over 1,000 sq.miles.  Israel re-organized the Saad Haddad militias in the south and brought in the Christian fascist Phalanges militias (Kataeb) to the city of Saida and East Saida.

In the same time, Israel Shin Beth intelligence agency hired hundreds of Moslem Shia mercenaries who used to be members of the Amal militias, in order to keep “law and order” in the Shia towns and villages.

By the end of June, the UN peace keeping forces accounted for hundreds of hired armed militias working within their zone of control. These militias had the name of “National Guards” and Local Guards”.  These guards set up road blocks and searched cars…

In the city of Saida, Israel occupied the mayor official quarters.  Soon, dozens of Palestinian civilians were found killed on roads leading to Christian towns, east of Saida. Leaflets were distributed encouraging the Lebanese to “clean up” the region of Palestinians.  The inhabitants of Saida knew that the leaflets were the making of Israel.

On February 1983, leaflets signed “Cedar Guards” warned that “Our goal is to force every Palestinian to leave Lebanon“, same tactics that Israel has adopted to pressure Palestinians from vacating their homes and towns in 1948. A Moslem Sunni old man commented: “We thought that Israel will liberate us. Instead, they are bringing in all kinds of foreign elements to harass us.”

Israel was implementing the same tactics applied in the West bank and Gaza: Israel was demonstrating that it is here to stay in south Lebanon for a long time.

The Moslem Shia highest cleric, Mohammad Mahdi Shams el Din exhorted the people to “refuse any cooperation, in any form and shape, with the local militias, which were constituted by Israel”

A secret UN report stated: “Israel is exercising coercion, arrest, and blackmail in the zone under our control”  For example, in the town of Tebnine, Israel pressured the inhabitants to fund 10 local guards, otherwise, “foreign elements” will be dispatched to fill in the void.

The UN report continued: “Israel is about to make things worse in order to demonstrate to the world community that the UN forces are helpless in keeping peace and order in their zone of control.  In one month, Israel denied 25 request for UN helicopters to taking off from the UN base in Nakoura.  Two of the requests were to fly the chief UN commander, the Irish General William Callahan”

Fisk wrote: “I used to visit the south in company of the correspondents Anderson, Faramarzy, and Paola Krochiany (from the Associated Press).  An old man told us “The Israeli officers keep visiting our village, every week.  They demand that I gather intelligence for them, in return for the release of my son from the Ansar prison, established by Israel within Lebanon (customary blackmail tactics used by Israel in the occupied Palestinian territories. That is why Israel round-up innocent Palestinian teenagers and put them in prison without trial). I gave them information, but my son is still in prison.

I noticed that all vegetables and fruits produces in Saida souk were imported from Israel. Lebanese trucks loaded the goods from Israel border in Nakoura. The purpose was to pressure Lebanese farmers to leaving their lands.

There is this Christian village of Mieh wa Mieh in east Saida. This village overlooks Saida and the Palestinian camp of Ain el Helweh.  Mieh wa Mieh has also a small Palestinian camps, of mostly Christians, as the one in Dbayeh, close to Jounieh, that the Christian militias vacated in 1976 to build luxury real estate buildings.

Within 6 weeks, 12 Palestinian civilians were assassinated, a terror tactics applied by Israel.  The Palestinians in Mieh wa Mieh camp were scared and felt that another genocide was being perpetrated.  An old woman said: “When the Israelis came last June, they proclaimed that they are here to protect us.  Instead, they are rounding up our youth and sending them to Ansar prison. The Phalangists arrived in November and burned houses and committed atrocities. Acts of terrorism are increasing drastically.Last week, a bomb demolished 14 houses at the fringe of the camp.  They are trying to force us into fleeing”.

As the old woman was talking to us, a boy arrived breathless and said “A Phalanges car is arriving”  The phalanges militias were suspicious of foreign correspondents discussing with the villagers.

Israel Colonel Hayim, of Israel Shin Beth, was constantly touring the Shia villages in the district, of about 24 towns.  Hayim job was to blackmail the mayors (mokhtar) to coughing up $5,000 per month, on the ground of providing funds for the maintenance of the local guards.

Either you pay or your son will be taken to Ansar prison” was one line of blackmail. For example, taxes were levied on every truck crossing a road block. Trucks loaded with electronic goods were charged $60; trucks loaded with tires $110; trucks carrying vegetables and fruits $80; and trucks carrying sugar and wheat…$72.

Towns that refused to be blackmailed were harassed by militias of Saad Haddad.  Haddad militias would storm the town, round-up civilians, burn a few houses and ransack other. These terror tactics infuriated the inhabitants of the south.

Israel conducted a thorough census in the south of 250,000 people.  The census sheet was 27 pages long. Israel was effectively planning to stay for the long haul…”

The follow-up article describes how Lebanese resistance forces got organized and managed to kick out Israel from the Land in the year 2000, without negotiations or any preconditions.

Battle of Zahleh (Lebanon, 1982): Revisiting this “melancholic civil war”

The importance of “The Battle of Zahleh” in 1982 is that it will turn out to be a catalyst for Israel to decide invading Lebanon in June 1982, and enter the Capital Beirut.  The battle of Zahleh extended fantastic dilusion dreams to Ariel Sharon:  “We kick out of Lebanon the armed faction of the Palestinian Resistance Movement (PLO), they move to Syria, Syria sent them packing to Jordan, and the PLO establish a State in Jordan.  In the meanwhile, Israel create a stooge State in Lebanon government by Christian militia allies…”  That is how Robert Fisk reported the strategy from an Israeli military reporter, who heard it from Sharon as the battle of Zahleh was in progress.

Zahleh, a medium-size city of 150,000 citizens, the first city you reach as you descends the eastern side of Mount Sannine.  Zahleh is at 945 m in altitude and smack in the middle of the rich Bekaa Valley (representing about 42% of the size of Lebanon).  The main center is divided by the Berdawni River. On the north of Berdawni, an area called Wadi al Arayesh, crowded with countless restaurants, side by side, boarded with tall trees and the sound of flowing fresh water, serving typical Lebanese meals and mezzeh (composed of two dozen small dishes).

Zahleh was founded 300 years ago with the influx of mountain people, from Mount Lebanon and Huran plateau (Syria) and settled by the Berdawni River. Zahleh was burned down in 1771, 1791, and again in 1860 during the internal clashes between the Christian Maronite and the Druze sects.

Train rails were constructed in 1885 to serve the agricultural trade exigencies among the neighboring regions.  There is no more trains, and barely any rails are standing. Zahleh is surrounded with famous vineyards located in Wadi Hadi, Harqat, Bir Ghazour, and Tell Zeina.  The vineyard Ksara in a few miles south.

The very credible accounts of investigative reporter Robert Fisk (see notes) described the battle of Zahleh in his book “Afflictions of a Nation”.  I am reading the Arabic version of the book (the private reading library that I patronize does not enjoy English reading customers) and this diary of an episode of Lebanon civil war is an abridged version, written my own style and my comprehension of this particular history and context.

Until the end of 1980, Zahleh was like an oasis in the midst of this barbaric and incomprehensible civil war that has been dragging since April 1975.  The Syrian troops guaranteed peace and tranquility in Zahleh with a majority of Christian Catholic orthodox.  Young Bashir Gemayel, head of the Christian militia “The Lebanese Forces”, a militia built around the Phalanges Party after annexing by force the other weaker Christian militias, started to plan becoming the next president of the republic. Consequently, he needed to exhibit the image of the leader of all the Christians, everywhere they existed as majority in the country.

Beshir encouraged the Christians in Zahleh to attack and harass the Syrian troops. The Syrian troops responded by shelling Zahleh with tank guns.  The propaganda of the Christian militia that they were confronting Islamic invasion to disperse all Christians from Lebanon failed to generate any reactions from the USA and Europe.  Israel’s major-general Yahoshoa Sagoy, head of Israel intelligence agency, guessed that Bashir is trying hard to draw Israel directly into the civil war.  However, General Rafael Etan decided to down two Syrian helicopters supplying the unit on Sannine.

There was a deal: The Syrian troops were to vacate Mount Sannine on condition that no other force try to retain this strategic location.  The people in Zahleh were not concerned with Beshir Gemayel and very few were members of the Phalanges party.  Beshir decided to build a side dangerous road leading to Zahleh with the intention of dispatching military supplies.

In the winter season of 1981, the Lebanese Forces installed mortar guns on Mount Sannine. Robert Fisk was among the “Christian” forces and he could barely breath from the high altitude and the freezing weather.  The Syrian army got suspicious of Beshir’s purpose, particularly that Bashir boasted publicly of his friendship with Israel. Actually, Israel has been unloading military equipment and ammunition in the port of Jounieh for quite a time. What if this side road is being prepared for Israel to use in a preemptive war against Syria?

Syrian tanks fired over these mortar installations.  The militia behaved as frightened adolescent every time a tank fired over them.  The Syrian troops managed to stop finishing constructing this military road.  The Christian militia prevented the Syrians from reaching Faraya snow skiing resort.  The Syrian troops acquired the top of Sannine, while the Christian militia were contented of remaining 50 meters below. Fisk looked over the sand bags and could see the entire Bekaa Valley down below.

This was a totally bungled battle, meant principally for propaganda purpose.  The university graduates in the Christian militia were hardly capable of firing properly the mortar guns.  Fisk wrote: “As we were withdrawing in a hurry, using a German truck (the same kinds imported by the Palestinians in West Beirut), a tire blew up.  We had to scramble on slippery snowy ways for 9 miles toward the hotel Mazar Faraya.  This hotel was transformed into a military garrison.  All the utensils were imported from Israel, as well as the military clothes”. The militias were into the new trend of shalom here, shalom there.

After Israel downed the two Syrian helicopters, Syria moved in sort of obsolete anti air missile, freshly painted white, and explicitly exposed to be photographed by the foreign press. and the pictures displayed in foreign dailies.  Israel Begin PM refused to acknowledge the presence of these missiles:  They were of no military threat, and Israel was preparing a “preemptive incursion” into Lebanon.

By the end of July, the case of Zahleh was closed.  Fisk wrote: “The battle of Zahleh was an international tag of war, and not a battle between Phalanges and Syrian troops. About two hundred civilians were killed or injured.  95 members of Phalanges who had residences in Beirut quit Zahleh.  The remaining Christian militia members stayed in peace in Zahleh.”

I was living in Lebanon in that period: No same Lebanese had any illusion of the military outcome of this rediculous battle.  In fact, as Israel invaded Lebanon in June 1982, the Israel military power could not reach Zahleh and was stopped by the remaining Syrian troops in its progress in the higher region of the Chouf district by the town of Ain Dara.  The battle of Zahleh will turn out to be a catalyst for Israel to decide invading Lebanon in 1982, and enter the Capital Beirut.

Note 1: Robert Fisk is one of the famous journalist reporters who covered Lebanon civil war.  He was the correspondent of the British “Times” in the Middle-East till 1987.  He is currently the correspondent of the British daily “The Independent”.  Fisk wrote two books on the Irish civil war and conflicts, and a book on Lebanon’s civil war “Afflictions of a Nation”.

Note 2:  The Zionist lobby in England took to the street denouncing the accurate accounts of Fisk in the Times: “The Times is the new Arabic secret weapon”

Note 3: Fisk reported that Israel invasion of Lebanon in 1982 was the beginning of the shattering of Israel’s image in the eyes of world community:  Foreign reporters and press declined accepting Israel accounts as accurate or credible.  The foreign press has witnessed the atrocities and countless violations of human rights of the Israeli soldiers and officers against civilians in Lebanon.

Note 4:

Revisiting the siege of Hama (Syria, 1982):  Who is Robert Fisk?

There is a deep purpose for this essay, besides the obvious account of Robert Fisk on the siege of the city of Hama in 1982, during the reign of the dictator father Hafez al Assad.

In February 18, 1982, Robert Fisk dispatched his eye-witness account on the siege of Hama to the Times. I am basing this story on the Arabic version of Fisk’s book “Afflictions of a Nation”.  I will relate the story in the first person:

On February 17, I headed to Aleppo to visit a couple of Irish friends.  The taxi driver was not allowed to go through Hama and he had to make a detour around Hama city limits.  On my way back, two young Syrian soldiers, barely 19 of age, asked to have a lift to their unit in Hama. I learned from my long stay in Lebanon that the presence of a Syrian soldier in the car can open the way to prohibited places.

One of the soldier said: “The siege and the fighting is on its 17th day, and there are no indication that it will abate anytime soon.”  Brown fumes were spouting from building as tanks T 62 shelled the buildings. A Syrian soldier brought us hot tea, and I noticed that most soldiers had red eyes from lack of sleep. A few of them headed to sleep on the dirt road by the tank.  The secret service agents were everywhere, especially keeping close tab on the soldiers behaviors. My taxi driver was feeling scared and insisted on resuming our trip back to Damascus.

A policeman got a hike in our car, a young peasant girl, and a mother holding her baby. I offered a chocolate bar to the toddler, but the mother snatched it from me and ate it, to the cry of the baby.  The women were tired and particularly hungry from a week-long search of lost relatives in Hama.  Scores of black dressed women were vacating Hama.  An officer joined the ride and said: “A few of my soldiers joined the insurrection. We have been literally fighting underground.  You won’t believe that underground hospitals are fully equipped.  The insurgents have missiles. We tried to arrest a fighting girl, and she blew herself up, killing 20 soldiers.”

As I arrived in Damascus, I was walking to the ministry of information:  minister Iskandar Ahmad Iskandar had invited the foreign press for a meeting.  Before I reach the building, a ton of explosives tore down the ministry. The Syrian radio had announced that I had never been to Hama.  When I met the minister Iskandar a few months later he told me: “I never listen to the Syrian radio. Robert, I never said that you are a liar. This dialogue is between two friends.

No foreign press reporters ever entered Hama, and their account of 10,000 killed during the siege is an over-estimation.  When I visited Hama in 1983, the old quarter of city was completely bulldozed and a vast parking lot taking the place of the narrow streets and old historic building and fortresses.” (end of account)

There is this Syrian painter named Khaled al Khani who is in Paris for a month. Khaled was 7 years of age during the Hama attacks in 1982.  He recalls that the security services grabbed his father working at the hospital; they gauged one of his father’s eyes and then killed him and left the body outside the hospital to rot.

In June 3, 2011, Hama demonstrated and the security services killed 60 citizens.  The mayor struck a deal with the regime.  The deal was for all internal security services to retreat beyond city limits, for the city to take charge of the dismantlement the bronze bust of late Hafez al Assad, in return of the demonstrators not to engage in sit-in and to stay away from public buildings.

In July 1st, a mass demonstration pressured the regime to revise its decisions.  The mayor was sacked and hundred of tanks are cordoning off the city of Hama, and hundreds of families left the city in anticipation of harder days.   The singer Ibrahim Kashoush was found slaughtered by the Assy River because his song said: “It is time for you Bashar to leave.  We prefer to die than be humiliated…” Water and electricity are frequently cut-off and bread is scarce.  But the regime is refraining from entering the city:  The “foreign enemies” might have an excellent excuse to destroying the headquarters of the internal security forces under the pretense: “Hama will not be massacred again. Not on our watch…”

Since 1980, Syria was experiencing Moslem fundamentalist revival, due to the victory of Iran Islamic revolution in 1979, and the growing Islamic resistance to the Soviet troops in Afghanistan.  The Syrian Moslem Brotherhood organization was receiving arms and ammunition from its Turkish counterpart, the Islamic militia of Alp Erslan.

In 1980, the Syrian salafists were demanding that Syria adopt Islam religious laws or shariat.  They plastered their leaflets at night, beginning with “Bism Allah el rahman el rahim” , and signed “The leaders of Islamic revolution in Syria”.  The secret service agents would remove the leaflets at day break. These Islamists claimed responsibility for blowing up the headquarters of the army and air-force intelligence centers,  the Soviet intelligence building in Damascus, and many official centers.

For two years, late Hafez al Assad appointed recognized people of Hama to key positions and waited for the proper timing to enter Hama.  In February 1982, the insurrection in Hama was a full-fledged resistance. Foreign aid workers, living in this poor city of Hama, have been feeling the coming terrors for a while:  The Islamists engaged in a wave of assassinations within Hama, particularly Baath high officials, along with their wives and children within their homes.  Hama is the most inland strategic place of Syria, smack in the center of all major urban cities.  The Syrian army and tanks had cordoned off all entrance to Hama.

There is this consistent trend, and direct links of the timing of Israel “preemptive wars” on Lebanon:  They are planned after internal troubles are fomented in Syria.  About six months before each preemptive war on Lebanon, Israel foment serious political upheavals in Syria, hoping that destabilization might provoke a civil war in Syria.

Unlike Lebanon, a war on Syria requires serious excuses: Syria enjoys the support of a couple of veto power States in the UN, and strong tacit international and regional agreement for a war on Syria must be satisfied.  Consequently, since civil wars in Syria were never forthcoming, Israel tried to draw Syria into a war by attacking Lebanon.  Israel has been longing to destroy Syria’s infrastructure and industrial base since the 1973 war.  Syria refrained from intervening directly in Israel preemptive wars on Lebanon.

For example, in 1977, Israel expected a civil war in Syria to take place as Hafez Assad decided to fight the Palestinian Resistance Movement (PLO) in Lebanon.  The Moslem Sunnis in Syria did not succumb to this temptation, and Israel attacked Lebanon in 1978 and occupied lands.

In February 1982, the Syrian Moslem Brotherhood organization started a civil insurrection in Hama:  It failed. Thus, Israel invaded Lebanon in June  1982.  Syria could not even send reinforcement to its army positioned in Lebanon.  The 17,000 Syrian soldiers in Lebanon had to fend-off Israel invasion in Lebanon with what they had, before retreating to the Bekaa Valley.

In April 2005, Israel expected a civil war in Syria after the assassination of Lebanon ex-Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri:  The dictatorial regime of the son Bashar al Assad recovered from this concerted international assault.  Consequently, Israel launched its preemptive war on Lebanon in June 2006.  The war lasted 33 days, and Syria refused to be drawn in.  All that Syria did was receiving thousands of Lebanese refugees, and keeping its borders opened for the flow of goods.

After this failed preemptive war in 2006, and the strategic defeat of Israel by Hezbollah, Israel has been coaxing Syria to engage a limited war on Israel.  For example, air attacking a supposedly atomic facility in Deir el Zour, and assassinating high Syrian officials…  Currently, Syria is in big internal difficulties.  Is it a coincidence that Israel has been frequently threatening to attack Hezbollah in the last three months?

Israel hopes for instigating a civil war in Syria, otherwise, Israel is preparing for another preemptive war against Lebanon this September, for many political reasons, among other reasons the voting in the UN this September for the establishment of a Palestinian State…Israel is again wishing Syria to engage in military actions this time around, on the ground that the weakened Syrian regime thinks of boosting its shrinking popularity…Obviously, this clannish regime of the Assad family is not going to be drawn in a war with Israel.  The thousands Syrian tanks are engaged to cordoning off dozens of cities and major towns…

And Lebanon had to suffer all the consequences of this international and regional tag of war.

Note 1: Robert Fisk is one of the famous journalist reporters who covered Lebanon civil war.  He was the correspondent of the British “Times” in the Middle-East till 1987.  He is currently the correspondent of the British daily “The Independent”.  Fisk wrote two books on the Irish civil war and conflicts, and a book on Lebanon’s civil war “Afflictions of a Nation”.

Note 2:  The Zionist lobby in England took to the street denouncing the accurate accounts of Fisk in the Times: “The Times is the new Arabic secret weapon”

Note 3: Fisk reported that Israel invasion of Lebanon in 1982 was the beginning of the shattering of Israel’s image in the eyes of world community:  Foreign reporters and press declined accepting Israel accounts as accurate or credible.  The foreign press have witnessed the atrocities and countless violations of human rights of the Israeli soldiers and officers against civilians in Lebanon.




April 2023

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