Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘Ariel Sharon

Massacre: Beirut Sabra and Shatila Palestinian camps. An investigation

Note: Re-edit of “Investigation into a massacre: Sabra and Chatila by Amnon Kapeliouk (June 17, 2009)”

After I published the post “The culprit: vegetative Ariel Sharon” I got hold of a frightening manuscript that kept me awake all night.

Amnon Kapeliouk published in 1982 a French book “Investigation into a massacre: Sabra and Chatila”.  He gathered valuable information from a wide variety of sources both in Israel and in Lebanon.  The manuscript describes in 115 pages details of the genocide that was perpetrated in the Palestinian camps in south Beirut from Tuesday September 14 to Monday 20, 1982.

I will end the review with the political and economic reasons for this mindless and bestial slaughter house tale.

Before Tuesday, September 14, 1982

By summer 1981, Israel defense Minister Ariel Sharon had prepared an incursion plan into Lebanon.  Israel invaded Lebanon on June 4, 1982 with the avowed intention of limiting the incursion to 40 kilometers and cleaning up pockets of Palestinian resistance in south Lebanon.

In the Knesset on June 8, Menachem Begin PM describes the Palestinians “animals with two legs”.

During a monster demonstration on July 17 in Tel Aviv Menachem Begin PM declared “By the end of this year we will have signed a peace treaty with Lebanon.”

The Israeli incursion extended to the Capital Beirut, leaving 20,000 civilian dead and 30,000 severely injured.

“Plan Reagan” of September 2 denied Israel the annexation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.  Israel was pressured to end this invasion and Ariel Sharon would repeatedly answer “Patience gentlemen; the fruit of this war will be obvious soon”

Minister Yaakov Meridor sent a directive to the Israeli army related to the Palestinian refugees stating: “Force the Palestinians to flee toward East Lebanon to the borders with Syria. Do not let them return”

The Israeli army (Tsahal) did their best to totally demolish the Palestinian camps in south Lebanon, in Tyr, and Saida; it effected mass slaughter among the refugees.

This directive failed because the Palestinian refugees had nowhere else to go.  It was obviously that the main objective of this war was to evacuate most of the Palestinians out of Lebanon and toward Syria. 

Israel knew that Lebanon was too small, weak, and with a social and political confessional fabric that would never allow the majority Palestinian Sunnis residency status.  Since the sole objective is to practically cancel out UN resolution 194 for the “right of return” of the refugees to their homeland Palestine then the other alternative was to kill as many as they could.

Ariel Sharon bombarded Beirut for three weeks and closed off all access to the Capital.  The Lebanese political leaders in Beirut urged Arafat to leave Beirut and a deal with President Reagan’s special envoy Philip Habib stipulated that the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) headed by Yasser Arafat and 12,000 strong was to be evacuated to Cyprus on French navies and then head to Tunisia.

The PLO left Lebanon and the camps were left undefended.

The multinationals of the USA, France, and Italy (supposed by the deal to defend the civilians) vacated their posts around the Palestinian camps by order of Israel.

During the early years of the civil war in Lebanon there were three camps in the Christian districts such the ones in Dbayeh, Jesr al Basha, and Tell al Zaatar.

The Christian militias overran these camps and forced the evacuation of the Christian Palestinians by military activities, genocide, and terror.  These camps were prime Real Estates and the developers, the deputies and ministers of the Metn district made a fortune.

As Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, the “Lebanese Forces” and Real Estates developers had plans for the even higher value Estates in Chatila and Sabra Palestinian camps in Beirut. They figured that they will rule Lebanon alongside the Israelis.

Tuesday, September 14, 1982; (Iron Brain Operation):

The Israeli army is stationed on the outskirts of Beirut on all sides. Multinational forces of the USA, France, and Italy were brought in to protect the Palestinian civilians in the camps around Beirut.

Bachir Gemayel was elected President of the Lebanese Republic on August 23 under the bayonet of the Israeli army. (Deputies were brought in Israeli tanks to vote).

Bachir Gemayel (34 years old) was the closest ally to Israel since the civil war broke out in April 13, 1975 and he  headed the Christian militias named “The Lebanese Forces” that united the Phalange Party, the Party of Camille Chamoun, and other fringe parties by coercion and frightful infighting.

“The Lebanese Forces” had received from Israel military training, military sophisticated hardware, logistics, and military intelligence.  Israel Menachem Began PM and Ariel Sharon (Defense Minister) expected immediate peace pact to be signed by Bashir.

Bashir was reluctant to officially sign any peace treaty before he discuss with Arab leaders and consolidate his power.

The day before his formal appointment as President, and at 4:10 p.m. a charge of 50 kilos of TNT explodes at the above flat where Bachir was meeting with his supporters in Ashrafieh.

Sharon had accurate intelligence of the status and location of of Bachir within minutes.  The Media and radios would refrain from declaring Bachir dead until 10:30 p.m.

By 6 p.m. Israel has established an air bridge to land tanks and soldiers in Beirut airport.  Sharon and Begin PM agree to enter the Capital Beirut without consulting with their cabinet of ministers.  An already detailed military plan for invading West Beirut is unfolded in the Defense Ministry.

Wednesday, September 15; (Israel occupies the first Arab Capital)

General Amir Drori, commander of Northern Israel region, receive the order at 12:30 a.m. to take over the strategic points in West Beirut.  At 3:30 a.m. commanders of the Christian militias known as “Lebanese Forces” are assembled in their headquarters on the outskirt of south Beirut close to the Israeli headquarter.

The Israeli Generals Rafael Eytan (Falfoul) and Amir Drori are discussing plans with the militia officers Fadi Frem, Elie Hobeika, Emile 3id, Michel Zouein, Deeb Anastase, Maroun Mich3alani, Joseph Edde and the liaison “Jessy”.  They are ironing out details of the invasion of the Christian milias into the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Chatila.

The “Lebanese Forces” militia got busy painting their logos on walls and trees with directional arrows for troop’s movement from Chouweifat to Kuwait Embassy.  At 5 a.m. the Israeli forces have cordoned off both Palestinian camps.  By 9 a.m. Ariel Sharon is observing the deployment from a tall building close to the Kuwait Embassy and overlooking the camps, 200 meters away.

Sharon finds time at 1 a.m. to fly to Bikfaya and present his condolences to the Gemayel family; he is received coldly.  The Lebanese army in West Beirut refuses to cooperate with Tsahal.  By nightfall electricity power is shut off in West Beirut.  By 10 p.m. rockets for lighting the Palestinian camps are launched at the rate of two per minutes at each launching point.

Thursday, September 16 (Felicitations! Our friends are entering the camps)

By noon, West Beirut has completely fallen and Tsahal is rounding up thousands of Lebanese at checkpoints.  The Palestinian camps are shelled and Israeli snipers are active.

At noon General Drori asks Fadi Frem if his militias are ready to enter the camps. They are ready and 1,500 Christian militias receive the green light for action.  They assemble by the airport and the Israeli General Amos Yaron exhibit to them aerial maps.

General Yaron confirms that Tsahal will deliver all the logistics and supplies for the “cleaning up of the camps“.  The Christian militias were never shy proclaiming at every occasion to the Israeli officers that they meant a thorough slaughter of babies, women, and elderly Palestinians.

The Phalangists (Kataeb) used to utter their motto “A dead Palestinian is pollution. The extermination of all Palestinian refugees in Lebanon is the solution”

A unit of 150 Christian’ militias crosses from Ouzai to the Lebanese army barrack of Henri Chehab to their headquarters at the UN building. 

The Israeli checkpoints let 25 jeeps packed of militias enter the camp of Chatila at 4 p.m.  The frightened civilian Palestinians go to the Israeli headquarter ad expressed their strong concerns. They are told to return and not be worried.

A detachment of soldiers of the splintered Lebanese army in south Lebanon and commanded by Major Saad Haddad, the stooge to Israel, arrives to the outskirts of Chatila.  Before 5 p.m. the dirty wolves were inside the chicken hen.

Within an hour, hundreds of Palestinian civilians, babies, women, and elderly are slaughtered by machetes, knives, and hatchets. 

Palestinians and Lebanese within the camps, regardless of being Christians or Muslims, are killed while having supper. The militias cut off limbs of women to grab bracelets attached in their forearms before finishing off their victims. Babies’ skulls are smashed on walls. Women are raped before being killed.  Nine Jewish women who married Palestinians long time ago were also killed.

During the night delegations of Palestinians arrive at Israel’s headquarter to explain the situation and they are repulsed to the camps; most of the members of the delegations disappeared.

A militia demands a stretcher for a few wounded companions and explains “We have finished off more than 250 dirty Palestinians”.

By 11 p.m. a militia commander had expedited to the highest military Israeli echelons a succinct report stating “As of now 300 terrorists have been eliminated”.  The camps were brightly lighted with 81 mm rockets.  Two thousand Palestinians take refuge in nearby hospitals named Akka and Gaza.

In Jerusalem at 7:30 p.m. the Israeli cabinet met for 4 hours; Chief of Staff Raphael Eytan quickly goes over the situation in the camps stating “The Phalangists are cleaning up a few nests of terrorists”.

The massacre resumed for the entire night.

The Israeli soldiers were witnessing the genocides and did not move.  A single Israeli soldier with a minimum of moral standing and with a minimum of guts could have entered and ordered the militias out; they would have obeyed! Nobody moved. The Israeli soldiers just reported to their higher commanders who knew the plan.

Friday, September 17

At day break and from their posts Israeli soldiers could see people lined up on walls and executed.

The hospitals are invested; foreign physicians and nurses are chased out and everyone inside is killed.  An Israeli officer broadcast “It is not done to pleasure us. I forbid you to intervene in the camps.”

Fresh militias, among them “soldiers” of Saad Haddad, enter the camps in jeeps and bulldozers borrowed from the Israeli army.

At 11 a.m. the militias barge into Akka hospital and finish off the injured; they raped a nurse 10 times before killing her.

Forty of the personnel are hoarded into a truck; they will disappear.  Bulldozers are digging ditches by the Israeli headquarter; a Norwegian diplomat observe a shoveling truck dumping cadavers into the ditches.

By noon, fresh militias reinforcement are observed by the airport; ten “command cars”, 13 tanks, jeeps, and more bulldozers are filmed by an Israeli TV channel reporter Ron Ben Yichai heading toward the camps.  The militias carry with them plenty of alcoholic beverages and hashish.

The Israeli Chief of Staff lands his helicopter at Beirut airport 3:30 p.m. and meet with the militia chief Fadi Frem and congratulates him on “a job well done” because they did not obey the American orders to vacate the camps.

Eytan flies back to his ranch in Tel-Adachim to celebrate Israel’s New Year with his family; he will call Sharon around 9 p.m. to tell him “the Phalangists are exaggerating“.

Today, the militias are shooting bullets to expedite the “clean up” mission.  Trucks packed with Palestinians are taken out of camps; the detainees are never heard of.

All night long, with the camps well lighted by Israeli rockets, the bulldozers are destroying the shantytown homes over their inhabitants.

Yesterday, the objective was to terrorize the Palestinians out of camps; they had nowhere to go since the Israeli checkpoints forced them to return to camps.

This night, the goal is to erase the camp completely of any structure and clean up this prime Real Estate.  Ben Yichai called up Sharon to inform him of the horrible conditions in the camps and he reported “Ariel Sharon gave me the impression that he was updated thoroughly on the situation”.

In the Israeli headquarters soldiers are eating lavishly, celebrating the New Year, and enjoying the carnage scene overlooking the Palestinian camps. A single Israeli soldier with a minimum of moral standing and with a minimum of balls could have entered and ordered the militias out: they would have obeyed!  Nobody moved.

Saturday, September 18, 1982:  (No prisoners taken)

At dawn the carnage goes on.

It will resume till after 10 a.m. the time that Israel had decided that the operation should end. At 6 a.m. the loudspeakers of the militias are encouraging the Palestinians to set out of their homes saying “Go out and you will be saved” (Sallimou Tislamou).

Thousands obey the order and they are hoarded into trucks; they will disappear. Many are executed on the way: “It is better to kill the maximum before delivering them to the Israelis”; the roads toward Ouzai are strewn with bodies.  The bulldozers and shoveling equipments are working full time.

The hospitals get invested again and the injured achieved.  The foreign physicians and nurses witness the activities helplessly.

At exactly 10 a.m. Israeli tanks move toward the camps; it is the signal for the militias to vacate the camps. Over 4,000 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians in camps containing more than 20,000 will be recorded disappeared.

For two weeks, the Lebanese army, Red Cross, and volunteers will not be able to “re-clean up” this human disaster. (To be continued in my posts “Reactions to the genocide”)

Note 1:  The Lebanese Shiaa in south Lebanon had strong animosity against the Palestinian fedayeen since 1975 when the civil war started: Israel was constantly shelling and bombing the south “in reprisal” of the Palestinian “katiusha” and the Lebanese government and army had stopped reacting or coming to the aid of its citizens in south Lebanon.

The charismatic leaders of the Shiaa Imam Moussa Sadr managed to control their anger until he “disappeared” in 1978 while on a visit to Libya.

Probably Israel had assassinated Sadr and blamed Kadhafi for the disappearance. Israel knew that as Moussa Sadr is out of the picture then the Shiaa will welcome the Israeli invading forces with rice and joy to get rid of the Palestinian resistance forces.

That is what happened exactly; Shiaa joined the splintered Lebanese army in the south which was commanded by major Saad Haddad, a stooge to Israel.

From 1978 to 1983 the Shiaa militias of AMAL, lead by Nabih Berri, the successor to Sadr, followed the orders of the Syrian regime to enter every Palestinian camp and retrieve heavy arms; many battles with the Palestinians inside camps were routine.

All that was reversed as Hezbollah was formed in 1984 by the support of Khomeini in Iran. Nabih Berry of AMAL calmed down and Israel withdrew without any preconditions from south Lebanon in May 24, 2000 as the splintered Lebanese army lacked manpower and suffered heavy casualties by the frequent well targeted Hezbollah attacks.

Note 2: Yasser Arafat played a central role during the Lebanese civil war that started in April 13, 1975 and ended in 1991.  He tried to maintain a balanced position in the tag of war between Hafez Assad of Syria and Sadate of Egypt at the expense of the Lebanese civilians.

The leftist Lebanese organizations relied on Arafat for logistics in arms and ammunition and he controlled them completely.

Arafat and his PLO were actually fighting Israel, Syria, and the Christian militias of the “Lebanese Forces”. Arafat once declared in Ramallah around 1998 that he was the de facto governor of Lebanon for over 20 years, even before the civil war broke out.

Lebanon would have been saved 13 years of mindless civil war if Arafat had decided to relinquish Lebanon to Syria and dealt with Israel in 1977 instead of 1993 for part of Palestine as he was forced to do later during the Oslo Agreement.

Note 3: There are indications that ex-President Amine Gemayel, Deputy and Minister Michel Murr, and the Maronite Church are among the profiteers in the reclamation of the land of the Palestinian camps in the Christian cantons.

My Enemy’s Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination, 1900-1948

Laura Zittrain Eisenberg
Reviewed by William B. Quandt

When General Ariel Sharon‘s troops slammed into Lebanon in the summer of 1982, their purpose was not only to drive out the PLO, but also to bring to power a friendly Maronite government led by Bashir Gemayel. (Actually, most  Lebanese Maronite Presidents were serving the Zionist project, directly or indirectly)

The idea of an “alliance of minorities,” based on the “enemy of my enemy” notion, had deep roots in Zionist thinking. (Until the objective is fulfilled)

Indeed, before Israeli statehood, as this excellent historical study shows, the relations between Zionists and some Maronite leaders were far-reaching.

In 1946, a treaty of sorts was even signed with the Maronite religious establishment, but the peace proved as ephemeral as the 1983 agreement between Lebanon and Israel.

Eisenberg sympathetically explains the motives and misperceptions that led to the belief that Christian Lebanon could be detached from the surrounding Arab region as an ally of Zionism, but she also shows the project had no realistic chance, and she implicitly warns against ignoring the lessons of history.

This study drives home that ideas, once they take hold, are often resistant to reassessment, even when the evidence is overwhelmingly against them.

A gracefully written, well-researched book that makes excellent use of Zionist archival materials, interviews, and documents in French archives.

A Palestine State? Lost in 1993 as Israel was convinced that all was swallowed up and done with

Robert Martin posted on FB:

By 1993 the Israel government knew for certain a Palestine State could not be established in the West Bank.

The settlements were there, billions were invested. The entire Jordan river valley was settled with villages, there were major cities (exclusively for Jews) already built in the West Bank, the entire Jerusalem was taken over by Israel.

There was no place any more for a Palestinian state to be established, and that is when Israel said OK, we will begin negotiations.

(Israel was under heavy pressure to negotiate a kind of a “peace” with the Arab world after the “Liberation of Kuwait” from the troops of Saddam Hussein. A peace conference was decided to resume, and Israel wanted to deal with the Palestinians alone as the weaker party)

They allowed Arafat to come; misleading him into thinking that they were really intending to make peace and basically forced him to sign an agreement that would complete his surrender..

Yasser Arafat was willing to give up almost 80% of his homeland and the right for the Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland and be compensated, all for the sake of peace, what he wouldn’t go beyond was 20% , he wouldn’t give up Gaza and the West Bank, that he couldn’t do.

They wanted him to sign a surrender agreement and he wouldn’t.

Its not the Palestinians that are not willing to make concessions, its Israel that is incapable of making concessions , because concessions on the land are impossible from a Zionist perspective, the whole name of the game is taking the land and making it ours and this exactly the process that took place.

From Miko Peled “The Generals SonHumanity for Palestine Robert Martin Fighting for humanity Australians for Palestine Advocacy Group ‪#‎FreePalestine

Note: Arafat was NO fool by any stretch of the imagination and he knew how to hold on power and be connected with all Arab leaders.

By 1993, Arafat was vegetating in Tunisia. The Palestinian resistance fighters were kicked out of Lebanon in 1982 (by Sharon when he entered Beirut),  and from Jordan in 1969 (by King Hussein), and Arafat had no cards left to put any pressure on anyone.

By 1993, Arafat had lost any hope that he could rely on any Arab State to practically and strongly back the Palestinian cause.

By 1993, Arafat was cornered and ha little choice but to grab on the bait that Israel PM Rabin was dangling to him.

Arafat was no fool and he knew that Israel was no fool in asking to negotiate a “peaceful settlement” with the PLO.

For Arafat, if external actions were almost impossible to carry out, at least he could change his tactics by getting active from the inside, on any piece of land within Palestine.

Israel PM Sharon didn’t even want to negotiate with Arafat as Rabin had decided.

Sharon ignited the Second Palestinian Intifada in 2001 that Arafat didn’t want by invading the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem.

Sharon reacted savagely to the Oslo agreement, and publicly claimed that Rabin should be assassinated, and his wishes were satisfied as a body guard of Rabin did the job (the first political assassination in Israel) and Sharon snatched the power in Israel.

Sharon placed Arafat in de-facto house arrest in Ramallah and then assassinated him in 2005.

Sharon withdrew the Israeli settlement from Gaza, claiming that Gaza was never part of Biblical Israel, but part of Egypt.

Sharon build the Wall of Shame separating Israel from the West Bank.

Arafat took a calculated gamble, but circumstances turned not in his favor:

1. Bush Jr. was voted in as president by a ludicrous margin and

2. Sharon was steadfast in cancelling out any previous agreement with Arafat.

3. And the Arab States were cowed after the US invaded Iraq in 2003.

4. Sharon wanted to tear Iraq apart because Iraq was the main powerhouse in the Levant, in population, wealth, education… and not on the border with Israel to invade at Israel pleasure. And the US was fooled to believe that controlling oil production and distribution cannot be done without land military presence in Iraq.

Why the Lebanese Maronite Patriarch feels this urge to visit Jerusalem?

Treaty of 1946: Between Jewish Agency for Palestine and the Maronite Church

The Maronite Patriarch of Lebanon Bshara Al Rai (Ra3i) has decided to join the Pope in his visit to Jerusalem, on the ground of his responsibility to pay visits to the Maronites living in Palestine and Israel.

Many political parties and organizations in Lebanon have been contacting the Patriarch and counseling him from going ahead with his decision.

Mind you that the Jews in Israel have started a wave of widespread defamation of churches and removing crosses from Christian cemeteries.

The same behavior as practiced by the Islamic Wahhabi extremist fundamentalists anywhere they occupy a region and cities in the Moslem World.

And no one of these Jews have been apprehended or detained.

What are the implications of the creation of a minority Jewish state on identity politics in Lebanon?

Check article 4 for one of the reasons of this visit

Treaty between the Jewish Agency for Palestine (a political agency) and the Maronite Church

May 30th 1946

(Two years before the creation of the State of Israel when Lebanon was already recognized as a State by the UN)

“We, the undersigned:

1. His Beatitude Antoine Arida, the Maronite Patriarch of Lebanon, acting on behalf of the Church and the Maronite community, the largest community in the Lebanese Republic with citizens residing in other countries, represented by Cheikh Toufic Aoud, ex-minister by virtue of authorization addressed to the President of the Jewish Agency, Professor Weizmann on May 24th 1946,which hereinafter shall be in this treaty addressed as “first party”.

2. Dr. Bernard Joseph, acting on behalf of the Jewish Agency for Palestine which is known in International Law as the representative of Jewish people around the world aimed at creating the Jewish National Home in Palestine,which hereinafter shall be in this treaty addressed as “first party”.
 

ART.1: The first party expressly and fully recognizes the historical link uniting the Jewish people to Palestine, the Jewish people’s aspirations in Palestine, and the Jewish people right to a free immigration and independence in Palestine. It also declares its approval on the Jewish agency’s declared current political program including the establishment of a Jewish state.

ART.2: The second party expressly and fully recognizes the independence of Lebanon and the right of its inhabitants to choose the regime they deem as appropriate. The second party also declares that its extending and widening program does not include Lebanon. On the contrary, it respects the state of Lebanon in its current form and borders. The Jewish immigration does not include Lebanon. 

ART.3: The two parties commit themselves reciprocally to abstain from undermining their respective aspirations and status; the so-called commitment has a binding obligation restraining the representatives of both parties – officials and non officials – in the country, abroad, in international conferences whether occidental or oriental, from expressing any kind of support to decisions or actions that may harm the other party. Also do their utmost to avoid taking such decisions or undertaking such actions. 

ART.4: The two parties commit themselves to provide mutual help at the following levels: political, commercial, security and social in order to promote the position of the first party and realize the aspirations of the second one. This engagement includes:

a) Raise the awareness of public opinion in the Orient and the Occident on the cause of each party, according to the spirit of the treaty hereby.

b) Concert their efforts to open the doors of each country with view to deepen cultural and social rights and promote commercial trades and the exchange of liaison officers to forge good neighboring relationships between one another.

c) The first party recognizes the right of every Jewish to immigrate to Palestine commits itself to help as much as possible in the realization of this immigration in the event that it shall pass through Lebanon.

d) The second party commits itself, after the creation of the Jewish state, to respect the sacred character of the holy sites in Palestine and commits itself as well after retaining the command of power to consider the treaty hereby as an integral part of the government program.

e) The two parties commit themselves to provide help, if requested, to one another in order to maintain security in their respective countries. This engagement has the binding obligation to take all necessary measures to block the entrance or exit of hostile elements capable of sowing public disorder and the obligation to refrain from providing any kind of help for such elements.

f) The two parties commit themselves to exchange information on all issues such as the politics of their countries, their economy, security, and relations with third parties.

g) At the industry, agriculture and scientific research levels, the two parties commit themselves to exchange information and advice in order to synchronize the Lebanese and Jewish efforts with a view to ensure the best development of their respective industries (including the tourism sector), agriculture and research on the basis of mutual cooperation.

h) After creating the Jewish state, the second party commits itself to reserve a friendly treatment to the representatives of the Maronite Patriarch, to facilitate the buying of a land and the construction of a Patriarchate worthy of the Maronite community.

i) The second party commits itself to require from its offices all over the world to support the cause of the first party and back its representatives in Washington, London, and Paris and in international conferences.

ART.5: In order to achieve the afore-mentioned obligations, and additional practical means of collaboration and mutual aid, the two parties will hold direct or indirect (through representatives) talks depending on the relevant advancement and circumstances. The first party has already chosen Cheikh Toufic Aouad to be its authorized representative till further notice.

ART.6: The treaty hereby takes effect upon signature. Each party has the right to terminate it within six months notice. 
 
In witness whereof the two parties have signed this treaty.”

Double original copy, Jerusalem, May 30th 1946.        

On behalf of His Beatitude His Grace Antoine Pierre Arida, Toufic Aouad    

On behalf of the Jewish Agency for Palestine, Bernard Joseph

Source: Central Zionist Archives 525/3269

Note 1: The treaty was between the Patriarch of a church and a Zionist political entity. That the current Patriarch expect this treaty to still be valid and respected by the State of Israel is tantamount to committing a big political mistake.

In any case, Israel never respected any treaty that stopped serving the Zionist apartheid system and its annexation policies.

Note 2:

Laura Zittrain Eisenberg published a book that reports:

1. When General Ariel Sharon‘s troops slammed into Lebanon in the summer of 1982, their purpose was not only to drive out the PLO, but also to bring to power a friendly Maronite government led by Bashir Gemayel.

2. The idea of an “alliance of minorities,” based on the “enemy of my enemy” notion, had deep roots in Zionist thinking.

3. Before Israeli statehood the relations between Zionists and some Maronite leaders were far-reaching.

4. In 1946, a treaty of sorts was even signed with the Maronite religious establishment, but the peace proved as ephemeral as the 1983 agreement between Lebanon and Israel. (that was not ratified)

Eisenberg sympathetically explains the motives and misperceptions that led to the belief that Christian Lebanon could be detached from the surrounding Arab region as an ally of Zionism, but she also shows the project had no realistic chance, and she implicitly warns against ignoring the lessons of history.

Note 3: I cannot recollect that any Lebanese Patriarch ever visited Jerusalem after 1948, even when Jerusalem was administered by Jordan Kingdom.

Note 4: The visit has political connotation, regardless of the religious reasons and excuses. The Patriarch has to make a public declaration relevant to the treaty and to clarify the Lebanese political positions regarding the Israeli enemy.

Note 5: The Patriarch must avoid to land in Tel Aviv or cross any Israeli checkpoints. A helicopter from Jordan and landing straight in Jerusalem should be considered.

 

Opening bottles of champagne. Celebrating election victory of your occupier?

John Kerry mission after frequent shuffling trips between Netanahyu and Mahmoud Abbass is at a dead end.
What the US expected to offer the Palestinians?
They are pressuring the Palestinians to recognize the pure Jewishness of Israel, and the resident Palestinians to be de-facto second class by law.
Israel has already made Jerusalem a Jewish city
Israel refuses the UN declaration the Palestinians rights to return to their hometowns
Israel wants to maintain its settlements in the Jordan Valley, separating the West bank from Jordan
Israel is intent on keeping its hundreds of check points in the West Bank…
The Wall of Shame is still standing against the order of the La Hague International Court to dismantle it
What cards remain in the hands of the Palestinian Authority to negotiate with?
Mahmoud Abbas (current President of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank) and Ibrahim Souss (former Palestinian Fateh faction representative in Paris, and later assassinated by Israeli agents) used to celebrate the election victories of the Israeli Labor party by opening champagne bottles in most of its official offices around the world.
(Apparently, the Oslo agreement between Arafat and Rabin required these kinds of celebration? Apart from protecting Israel from Palestinian rights to resist?)
A few Palestinian leaders believed that it was adequate to differentiate among the Israeli political parties who all refuse the Palestinians their UN rights to return to their homeland.
These confused Palestinian leaders feel so impotent that they are relying on the Israeli voters to redress justice and offer potential solutions to the Palestinian indignities and sufferings.
It was no longer the legitimate fight against this occupying force and its apartheid system that was on the table, but the reliance on the Israeli voters.
And thus, the Palestinian Authority tried to distinguish between Ariel Sharon and the other Labor leaders. The terrorist activities of the Zionist movement started in 1929 and never abated.
The war crimes of Ariel Sharon are no less terrible than the crimes committed by Isaac Rabin, Shimon Peres and Golda Meir. (Asaad Bu Khalil angryarab.blogspot.com)
Menahim Begin boasted in his autobiography “Uprising” that their terrorists acts quickened the transfer of the Palestinians from their homes and villages.
The same idea and methods were adopted by Sharon and he executed them every time he led incursions into Palestinian villages. For example, he slaughtered the people in the village of Qabiyeh (under Jordanian authority) in reprisal of a supposed “terrorist attacks” in 1957.
Note: The Arabic text by angryarab.blogspot.com

أدرجت منظمة فتح، بشخص محمود عبّاس وإبراهيم الصّوص (مندوب المنظمة لسنوات طويلة في باريس) طقس الاحتفال بفوز حزب العمل في الانتخابات الإسرائيليّة. كانت بعض مكاتب المنظمة حول العالم تفتح زجاجات الشامبانيا عند فوز حزب العمل. صدّق البعض تقليد التمييز بين الأحزاب الصهيونيّة في الكيان الغاصب. أو أن العجز الثوري (السياسي والعسكري على حدّ سواء) في قيادة منظمة التحرير أدّى إلى التسليم بقدرة الناخب الإسرائيلي على تقديم الحلول الصغرى للقيادة الفلسطينيّة.

لم يعد النضال الفلسطيني هو العامل التحريري، بل كان الاتكال _ كل الاتكال _ على انتظار ما يقدّمه حزب العمل من فتات هو الحلّ. والتركيز على شرور شارون كان جزءاً (خطيراً) من التمييز السياسي الباطل الذي أصرّت عليه قيادة عرفات في منظمة التحرير. إنّ أرييل شارون لا يزيد في جرائم حربه وفي مجازره عن جرائم ومجازر إسحق رابين وشمعون بيريز وديفيد بن غورين وغولدا مائير وموشي شرتوك. كلهم سواء. إن المجازر والإرهاب الصهيوني لم تكن يوماً _ كما يُراد لنا في بعض الخطاب الفلسطيني السياسي الذي أدرجه عرفات ومحمود عبّاس _ عرضية أو تجاوزاً أو تطرّفاً أو خروجاً عن إجماع القيادة السياسية

. إن الإرهاب الصهيوني من 1929 حتى يومنا هذا مقصود ومدروس ومُخطّط له بعناية فائقة من قبل القيادة الصهيونيّة. وشخصنة العداء لإسرائيل من شأنها أن تضلّل الرأي العام العربي الذي يخضع لسنوات لدعاية (عربية نفطية وغربية صهيونية) تجعل من مجرمي حرب حزب العمل (من أمثال رابين وبيريز) أو من مجرمي كاديما (بسبب غرام القادة العرب بتسيبي ليفني) حمائم سلام وديعة

كما أن الدعاية العسكريّة للعدو تقصّدت أن ترمي أمام أعيننا فكرة «القائد العسكري الإسرائيلي المُتفلِّت من الضوابط»، وذلك من أجل التخويف والإرهاب النفسي والمعنوي. زها بيغن بمجزرة دير ياسين وقال في كتابه «التمرّد» إن المجزرة كانت مفيدة للتسريع في طرد الشعب الفلسطيني من أرضه، كما أن أرييل شارون زها في مذكراته («محارب») بمجزرة قبية، وقال إنها أخافت العرب وحسّنت من معنويات جيش العدوّ. لكن لشارون هذا إرث لبناني خاص، غائب كليّاً عن المناهج الدراسية اللبنانية وعن الخطاب السياسي اللبناني

. لقد حرصتُ أدناه لتعميم الفائدة ولترسيخ تاريخ مشين في الأذهان على ترجمة ما يتعلّق بالفصل اللبناني من جرائم حرب شاورن وعلاقاته اللبنانيّة، لعلّ جيلاً من اللبنانيّين يكون على علم بها، وذلك من أجل الحكم على فريق سياسي لبناني يتحدّر من حلفاء شارون في تلك الحقبة المظلمة من تاريخ لبنان (والترجمة هي من النص الإنكليزي لمذكّرات شارون وتبدأ بفترة التحضير للاجتياح الإسرائيلي في عام 1982):

«وأنا أيضاً كنتُ أريد أن أرى لبنان بنفسي كي آخذ شعوراً بالملموس عن الحالة على الأرض هناك، وخصوصاً من أجل فهم إذا كان هناك أي شيء ممكن توقّعه من القوّات اللبنانيّة المسيحيّة في حالة الحرب. وأنا كنتُ قد التقيتُ ببشير الجميّل للمرّة الأولى عندما كنتُ وزيراً للزراعة خلال واحدة من زياراته للقدس لبحث العون الذي كنّا نقدّمه (لهم). ولقد ترك عندي انطباعاً (إيجابيّاً) آنذاك على أنه رجل شاب مليء بالثقة بالنفس والعزم. تحدّث بإقناع وبسلطة، ولم يكن هناك شك بأنه كان قد أظهر قدرات قياديّة حقيقيّة. لكنني شعرتُ

These sweet Lebanese Christians kiss the hands of ladies and commit the worst of atrocities...”

The war crimes of Ariel Sharon are no less horrible than the crimes committed by Isaac Rabin, Shimon Peres and Golda Meir. (Asaad Bu Khalil angryarab.blogspot.com)
The worst crimes against humanity were committed during the invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The Lebanese political system has been trying hard to obliterate this criminal period from its educational program.
In his autobiography “The Warrior“, Ariel Sharon wrote:
“I came to Lebanon to have a feeling on the ground on the seriousness of the Christian Lebanese Forces intention and readiness to supporting our troops for our planned invasion of Lebanon in 1982.
I had met with Bashir Gemayel in Jerusalem, in one of his frequent visits to Israel asking for aid when I was minister of agriculture, and I sensed his determination and potentials.
I needed to pay a visit to the leaders of the Christian Forces in their homes and in their environment to acquire a better sense of adhesion to the planned invasion of 1982.
Bashir invited me to visit him in Jounieh and wanted me to meet with his father Pierre and other leaders. He also announced that a highly important Israeli personality will meet with him in early January.
When I landed from the helicopter, Bashir hugged me, as Arabs do, and said: “I knew it would be you that Israel will send to meet with me”.
After dinner, Bashir asked me: “What are we expected to do when you enter Lebanon?”
I said:
First, you must be able to hold on your land. Otherwise, there is nothing we can do if you lose your land.
Second, you see that hill? It is the Yarseh Hill overlooking the Defense Ministry. You must occupy it quickly as we enter.
Third, we are not entering West Beirut. Beirut is a Capital with embassies and ministries, and we are not about to be embarrassed with more troubles than we can handle. West Beirut is your responsibility and the Lebanese army to occupy.
I toured the Christian Mount Lebanon villages, riding in Bashir’s Mercedes that had a telephone, a facility we didn’t have in Israel. The people applauded us on the street while the Lebanese army passed by us and waved to us. Beshir even stepped out of the car to return the congratulation of the citizens: He certainly was very popular.
After a long day of visiting various villages and the civil war demarcation lines, I arrived at the house of Bashir in Ashrafieh. His wife Solange was waiting for us. I realized later on that she had a strong personality.
Solange prepared a copious dinner and the invitees ate in western style. Present were Pierre Gemayel (the father) and former President Camille Chamoun. Both of them were pretty old but still sharp up there.
Pierre was tall, slim and a perfect aristocrat. Chamoun was shorter and heavier but cooler and comfortable in our presence.
At coffee time, Pierre hoarded the talk in perfect French and a Mossad aid was translating to me into Hebrew. Pierre was crying slowly and whining on the losses and bloodshed they had suffered.
I looked at Chamoun who felt very disturbed by Pierre’s behavior and whispered in his ear in Arabic to get hold of himself.
They explained to me the election process for the Presidency and how many votes in the Parliament they need to secure… I told them that Israel is intent on securing its northern borders with Lebanon. As for the Presidency they have to rely on themselves with a small push from us in order to re-establish security and stability. We wanted a “peace treaty” with Lebanon and they have to be able to deliver on their promises.
Camile Chamoun got to the point and explained that a separate peace treaty will be an insurmountable obstacle due to the close business links with the Arab World and the presence of the huge number of Lebanese working in the Arab countries.  However, Pierre was more conciliatory on the potential for this treaty in the future.
I told them to start weaving close ties with the Shiaa and Druze sects. The Druze have never been enemies to Israel and the Shiaa were extremely upset with the Palestinian armed presence in the south.  I didn’t press on the topic of the possibility of Israel supplying the Shiaa with some weapons.
I emphasized that the Sunnis are not permanent enemies to Israel since we coexisted peacefully for two decades.
When I returned home in Israel, my wife Lily asked me: “What were your impressions?” I said: “These sweet Lebanese Christians kiss the hands of ladies and commit the worst of atrocities…
I related to Kamal Hassan Ali (Egypt counterpart during Sadat?) my visit to Lebanon and told him that the axe of Egypt, Tel Aviv and Beirut seems feasible.
My experience with Beirut is unimaginable. Cars were speeding with full horn on, the bars, restaurants and coffee shops plenty to crack… It seems that there was no civil wars for a stranger visiting Lebanon.  I was welcomed in a manner I joked that “if I needed political asylum anytime in the future, it is Lebanon that I’ll ask to stay in
I had visited Lebanon several times since then and I had the opportunity to know personally many of their personalities, writers, artists, poets and dailies.
After Bashir was elected president, I visited Bikfatya on September 12, 1982 and it was a very cheerful day: Hope and good expectation for stability were hovering among the invitees.
I had a chat with Beshir in private and tried to brush aside the negative impression that Menahem Begin had of Beshir, at their latest encounter in Naharia, two weeks ago. The chemistry between the old man and young man were missing.
Menahim told Beshir that he is not about to let go of Major Saad Haddad (the head of the Christian militia and part of the Lebanese army in south Lebanon) and Beshir was not about to reduce any of his prerogatives as President.  I was not about to let go of Saad Haddad too, but I comprehended the uneasiness of Beshir.
We discussed how to proceed with the “cleansing” of West Beirut of the “terrorists” (Palestinians and Lebanese), on account that should be the responsibility of the new Lebanese government.
I exposed the main points that Israel will propose in the peace treaty during the next meeting with our foreign minister Isaac Shamir on September 15. (Incredible, Beshir was to be officially inducted President on that day, and Israel would press for a meeting on that same day).
My meeting with Beshir lasted way after 1:30 am, and Solange had prepared a lavish dinner with all the dishes that I love.  She invited me and my children to pay a visit to the Presidential Palace once Beshir is in. She offered me an encrusted cherry box with Phoenician artifacts within.
Beshir volunteered to drive me personally to my chopper in Jounieh and I refused telling him: “These are crucial days and you should be very cautious in your travels and whereabouts”
(Beshir was assassinated on September 14 in the afternoon)
My meeting with Amine Gemayel (elder brother of Beshir) was lukewarm at best when I approached the proposed peace treaty.  During the burial ceremony of Beshir in Bikfaya, Amine was wearing a perfectly tailored white suit, shining snake shoes and his fingers were loaded with rings, and I realized that this “potential next President” will not be as easy and straightforward.
In January 1983, the poetess May Murr and her engineer husband Alfred Murr invited Lily and me. The streets were filled with welcoming people, though the government was less enthusiastic with my visit. (Amine Gemayel was elected President to replace his brother Beshir)…
Note 1: It is obvious from this autobiography that the invasion of Lebanon in 1982 was in full planning 6 months ahead of time and the intention was not to secure a buffer zone 40 km in south Lebanon. The plan was to advance toward the capital Beirut.
Over 20,000 Palestinian and Lebanese were killed and 3 fold that number fell injured and handicapped.  After the assassination of Bashir Gemayel, Sharon masterminded the genocide of the Palestinians in  the Sabra and Chatila camps, for 3 nights and 2 days, slaughtering 3,000 civilians in cold blood.
The camps had no Palestinian fighters, since they had been evacuated by sea a month earlier to Tunisia and Yemen.
The Israeli army had put siege around Beirut for 3 months, bombed the capital by air, land and sea and cut off power and water supply and prevented any foodstuff from entering.
Finally, the Israeli troops entered the Capital, robbed and looted all kinds of documents and artifacts. It was forced to retreat after 2 weeks with the increase of armed attacks against the Israeli checkpoints. They left by announcing in the streets “Stop shooting at us. We are leaving
The occupation of Israel lasted 25 years and they had to vacate in 2000 without any negotiations or preconditions. The Shiaa turned out to be fierce resistant fighters and Hezbollah is the main challenge to Israel further preemptive wars on Lebanon after the fiasco of July 2006 war.
Note 3: Part of the Arabic translation of Sharon’s autobiography

والترجمة هي من النص الإنكليزي لمذكّرات شارون وتبدأ بفترة التحضير للاجتياح الإسرائيلي في عام 1982): «وأنا أيضاً كنتُ أريد أن أرى لبنان بنفسي كي

آخذ شعوراً بالملموس عن الحالة على الأرض هناك، وخصوصاً من أجل فهم إذا كان هناك أي شيء ممكن توقّعه من القوّات اللبنانيّة المسيحيّة في حالة الحرب. وأنا كنتُ قد التقيتُ ببشير الجميّل للمرّة الأولى عندما كنتُ وزيراً للزراعة خلال واحدة من زياراته للقدس لبحث العون الذي كنّا نقدّمه (لهم). ولقد ترك عندي انطباعاً (إيجابيّاً) آنذاك على أنه رجل شاب مليء بالثقة بالنفس والعزم. تحدّث بإقناع وبسلطة، ولم يكن هناك شك بأنه كان قد أظهر قدرات قياديّة حقيقيّة. لكنني شعرتُ

بأن الطريقة الوحيدة لتقديم تقييم ملائم هو من خلال زيارته في موقعه، ولرؤية رجاله في منازلهم، ولرؤية عائلاتهم وقوّاتهم ومواقعهم لفهم كل شيء عن الرجل وعن ظروف حركته … وكان الجميّل قد دعاني بنفسه لزيارة لبنان للقائه، وللقاء والده، بيار الجميّل، وقادة آخرين. وقال إن الموقف المسيحي بات يزداد حراجة … وأعلمنا بأن «شخصيّة رفيعة جداً» ستصل (من إسرائيل) في أوائل كانون الثاني في عام 1982 … ووصلنا إلى جونية … وما إن ترجّلت من الطوّافة، عانقني بشير وقبّلني على الطريقة العربيّة وقال: «أنا عرفت أنك ستكون أنت الزائر، مع أنهم لم يعلموني، لكنني كنتُ متيقّناً من أنك ستكون أنتَ» … والتقط بشير النقاش الذي كان قد بدأ في ليلة أمس على العشاء وسأل: «في حالة الحرب، ماذا تتوقعون منّا؟»، في هذه الحالة، أوّل شيء يجب أن تفعلوه هو أن تدافعوا عن حدودكم هنا لأنكم يجب أن تعرفوا أننا لن نستطيع أن نسعفكم إذا كنتم ستخسرون الأرض شيئاً فشيئاً. ثانياً، أترون هذه التلّة هناك، تلّة وزارة الدفاع؟ هذه حيويّة. إذا اندلعت الحرب، سيطروا على التلّة (اليرزة) … ثالثاً، إسرائيل لن تدخل بيروت الغربيّة. هذه عاصمة، وحكومة وسفارات أجنبيّة. وجودنا هناك سيتسبّب بمشاكل سياسيّة معقّدة لنا. بيروت الغربيّة هي عملكم أنتم وعمل الجيش اللبناني
… بعد ذلك، تجوّلت في الجبل والخطوط المسيحيّة، في سيّارة المرسيدس الخاصّة ببشير، والتي كانت تحتوي على جهاز تلفون _ وهذا ما لم نكن نملكه نحن في تلك الأيّام. توقّفنا في قرية تلو الأخرى، وكان يشرح لي تاريخ وأهميّة كل منها. وفي كل مكان، كان الناس يتبيّنونه ويصفّقون، هاتفين باسمه، حتى إنه أوقف سيّارته وترجّل منها، فيما كانت وحدات من الجيش اللبناني تمرّ بمحاذاتنا، وكان الجنود يلوّحون ويهزجون. من الواضح أنّ الرجل كان معروفاً ومحبوباً. لا يمكن ألّا تترك هيبته والتعاطف معه أثراً (إيجابيّاً). وبعد يوم طويل في الجبل، رجعنا إلى منزل بشير في محلّة الأشرفيّة في بيروت. على الباب، انتظرتنا زوجته الجميلة، سولانج، التي تتمتّع بشخصيّة قويّة كما أدركت لاحقاً. وكان هناك والده بيار الجميّل وكميل شمعون، الرئيس الأسبق للبنان، وكلاهما كانا متقدّمين في السن مع رجاحة عقليّة
… كل شيء في منزل بشير وسولانج كان أنيقاً وبديعاً. وقُدّم لنا عشاء رائع، وكانت آداب المائدة للحاضرين مثاليّة، وتم التخاطب بأجمل لغة فرنسيّة. وكان الأب، بيار الجميّل، طويلاً نحيفاً مستقيماً وأرستقراطيّاً. شمعون كان أقصر وأسمن، وأكثر ارتياحاً … وبعد تقديم القهوة، بدأنا بالتصدّي لجملة مواضيع هامّة. وقام بيار الجميّل بمعظم الحديث في البداية، وبالفرنسيّة التي كان يترجمها لي إلى العبريّة واحد من جماعة الـ«موساد» بمعيّتي. وفيما كان هذا الرجل العجوز المتزمّت يصف الخسائر والدماء التي عانوها والمساعدة التي يطلبونها منّا، بدأ بالنحيب بصمت. ألقيتُ بنظري نحو وجه كميل شمعون ورأيتُ أنه كان متبرّماً من إظهار المشاعر. ومن خلال شفاه مقطّبة، همس للجميّل بالعربيّة: «ما تبكي» … وشرحوا لنا النظام الانتخابي (الرئاسي) وعدد الأصوات التي يحتاجون إليها لتعزيز حظوظ كسب موقع الرئاسة، وكيفيّة الحصول على الأصوات تلك … وقلتُ لو دخلنا نحن (إلى لبنان) فسندخل لحماية حدودنا الشمالية، لكن ستكون النتيجة قدرتكم على الحصول على فرصة لإعادة الحياة الطبيعيّة إلى لبنان. لكن هذا يتوقّف إلى حدّ كبير على السلام أو إجراء سلام بين إسرائيل ولبنان. وهنا قاطعني كميل شمعون ليقول إنه لا يعتقد أن بوسع أي حكومة لبنانيّة القدرة أو الرغبة على توقيع اتفاقيّة سلام مع إسرائيل. إن عمق العلاقات والمصالح الاقتصاديّة بينهم وبين العالم العربي، والعلاقة بين المصارف اللبنانيّة والمصارف العربيّة والعدد الكبير من اللبنانيّين العاملين في الشرق الأوسط والعلاقات التجاريّة ستمنعها. وإذا كان بيار الجميّل قد ترك عندي الانطباع بأن هناك إمكانيّة لإجراء سلام في مستقبل ما، فإن كميل شمعون كان أكثر تحفّظاً إزاء ذلك. وتحدّثنا أيضاً عن علاقات المسيحيّين بالطوائف الأخرى، وخصوصاً الشيعة والدروز. وكان اقتراحي أن يقوموا بمحاولة تقوية علاقاتهم بتلك الأقليّات الأخرى، حتى إنني طرحت إمكانيّة تحويل _ وإن بصورة رمزيّة _ بعض السلاح الذي نمدّه لهم إلى الشيعة، الذين كانوا يعانون من مشاكل كبيرة مع منظمة التحرير الفلسطينيّة. ومع أنني لم أخض في التفاصيل، فإنني لم أعتبر يوماً الشيعة كأعداء لإسرائيل على المدى البعيد، والدروز لم يكونوا أعداء (لنا) بأي صورة من الصور … كما أنني لم أكن أعتقد أن السنّة أعداء دائمون لنا بالضرورة. لقد تعايشوا معنا بسلام لأكثر من عقدَيْن من الزمن، وليس هناك من سبب للظن بأنه ليس بمستطاعهم ذلك من جديد … وعندما وصلت أخيراً إلى منزلي في تلك الليلة، كانت ليلي تنتظرني. «كيف وجدت اللبنانيّين»، سألتني. «الانطباع الذي أخذته _ قلتُ لها _ أنهم قوم يقبّلون أيادي النساء
ويرتكبون الجرائم». وأخبرت (كمال) حسن علي عن الزيارة (إلى لبنان) وتباحثنا في ما كنتُ أراه من شروط للسلام. وعبّرت عن وجهة نظري أن شبكة القدس _ القاهرة _ بيروت ليست فكرة مستحيلة، وأن تحقيق ذلك يمكنه أن يغيّر من وجه الشرق الأوسط» … مرّة أخرى، كانت العاصمة اللبنانيّة تجربة غير معقولة، لكن بعد زيارتي في كانون الثاني لم أكن متفاجئاً تماماً. كانت المطاعم والبارات لا تزال مزدحمة وكانت الحشود نفسها تتدفّق في الأرصفة المُضاءة بالـ«نيون»، بينما كانت السيّارات الصادحة بالزمامير تملأ الشوارع. لم يكن هناك من أي أثر يُذكر لجو الحرب. قلت لبشير: «أوتعرف. ظننت أنه ربما سيهرع الناس للقتال من أجل وطنهم، لكن انظر إلى هذا» … كان هذا (موضوع «انتشار النفوذ الإرهابي») واحداً من المواضيع التي تباحثتُ فيها مع الرئيس المنتخب بشير الجميّل في منزله في بكفيّا في 12 أيلول (1982). وكنت قد قمت حتى ذلك الوقت بزيارات عديدة للبنان، إلى درجة أنني بتّ أعرف الصحافة المحليّة والكتّاب والنخبة المثقّفة وأقمت علاقات مع عدد من اللبنانيّين الموهوبين والمميّزين. ومع الفرحة التي صاحبت طرد منظمة التحرير الفلسطينيّة، كنت أجد نفسي محاطاً بمئات من المُبارِكين المُبتهِجين. وكان الترحيب بي في بيروت كبيراً، إلى درجة أنني أكثر من مرّة مازحتُ أصدقاء هناك أنني إذا أحتجتُ إلى اللجوء السياسي فإن لبنان سيكون اختياري الأوّل. وكانت الأجواء في بكفيا دافئة بصورة خاصّة. كانت جماعة بشير، حول منزل عائلة الجميّل بجدرانه ذات الحجر القديم وأقواسه الأنيقة، مبتهجة بصورة خاصّة وكانت وجوههم مضاءة بالزهو والإعجاب بقائدهم. ومع اقتراب التنصيب، كان الترقّب يُظلّل سقف المنزل. شيء جديد كان على وشك الحدوث في لبنان، شيء مفعم بالأمل وإيجابي، للمرّة الأولى منذ أن أشعلت الحرب الأهليّة في عام درباً لا ينتهي من العنف. وكان بشير وسولانج فرحَيْن ومتحمسَيْن للتدشين (الرئاسي)، وملأ الغرفة شعور بالحميميّة، فيما جلستُ أنا وبشير للتحدّث في الخطوات التي سيتخذها كرئيس للجمهوريّة. وبالرغم من الدفء الشخصي، كنتُ مدركاً أن أوّل موضوع على جدول البحث كان في إزالة الشعور السلبي الذي تولّد بين بشير ومناحيم بيغن في اللقاء في نهاريا قبل أقل من أسبوعيْن. لم تكن الكيمياء بين الرجل المسنّ والرجل الشاب جيّدة. ومع أن فرص مستقبل العلاقات بين البلديْن كانت واعدة، فإن البحث في نهاريا تركّز لسبب من الأسباب على مواضيع الخلاف، وبالتحديد وضع الرائد سعد حدّاد بعد الحرب … وفي عالم الانقسامات اللبنانيّة المعقّد، كان حدّاد ينتمي إلى فريق مسيحي منافس لبشير الجميّل، ولم تكن العلاقة بين الرجليْن ودودة. وفي تلك الليلة في نهاريا، أوضح بيغن بشكل جلي أن إسرائيل لن تهجر صديقاً مُخلصاً لها، بينما لم يكن الرئيس المُنتخب حديثاً، بشير، في وارد تقديم أي تنازلات عن صلاحيّاته في الرئاسة التي سيتولّاها قريباً. كان اللقاء متوتّراً وتركه بشير ممتعضاً من محاولة رآها من بيغن للتدخّل في شؤون لبنان الداخليّة. ومثل بيغن، كنتُ مُلتزماً بالدفاع عن حدّاد، رجل قاتل معنا لسنوات. وقد تفهمتُ شعور بشير. وفيما جلسنا في منزله للحديث في تلك الليلة من 12 أيلول، حاولتُ جهدي لإزالة رواسب الغضب. وتحدّثنا بعدها في مواضيع أكثر عمقاً، وكان أوّلها موضوع الخطوات التي يجب أن تُتخذ لتنظيف بيروت الغربيّة من كوادر منظمة التحرير الفلسطينيّة لخلق مدينة مفتوحة وآمنة. لم يكن عند بشير أو عندي شك بأن قدرته على تشكيل حكومة مركزيّة مستقرّة مستحيل بوجود عاصمة مقسمة يمكنها أن تخلق بيئة خصبة لتوليد إعادة انطلاق لمنظمة التحرير. اتفقنا على أن في صالح بلدينا أن نتأكّد من انتزاع ما تبقّى من إرهابيّين من بيروت الغربيّة، على أن تقوم بذلك الحكومة اللبنانيّة بالتنسيق مع قوانا الأمنيّة. تحدّثنا في أمور كثيرة، كما تحدّثنا في مستقبل العلاقات بين لبنان وإسرائيل. وكنا في هذا الموضوع على اتفاق، آخذين في الاعتبار التحديات التي ستواجه بشير في تعزيز سلطته كرئيس للبنان المسلم كما للبنان المسيحي. اتفقنا على أنّ مفاوضات مباشرة يجب أن تبدأ عما قريب، وبدأنا بالتحدث في طبيعة اتفاقيّة السلام التي نودّ أن نتقدّم نحوها. ولعلمنا بأولويّة هذا الأمر، حدّدنا موعداً للقاء إضافي (يحضره وزير الخارجيّة، إسحق شامير) يوم 15 أيلول، أي بعد ثلاثة أيّام. الأمسية بدأت متأخرة، واستمرّ الحديث إلى ما بعد الواحدة بعد منتصف الليل بقليل، عندما دخلتْ سولانج لتدعونا الى عشاء خاص أعدّته هي على شرف المناسبة، ومليء بالأطباق التي تعلمُ هي أنني أحبّها. وعندما انتهينا من الأكل، قدّمت هي وبشير لي صندوقاً بديعاً منقوشاً من خشب الكرز وبداخله مجموعة من الأواني الفينيقيّة الزجاجيّة. كانت لحظة عاطفيّة. وبالرغم من المصاعب التي مررنا بها والتي لم نكن نتوقّعها، شاطرنا شعور في تلك اللحظة بأن البلد المُتشظّي يمكنه أن يستعيد عافيته. وعندما هممتُ بمغادرة المنزل في تلك الليلة، دعتني سولانج أنا وليلي والأولاد للقيام بزيارة مستفيضة للقصر الجمهوري بعد التنصيب. وأصرّ بشير على قيادة السيّارة لتوصيلي إلى الشاطئ حيث تنتظر الطوّافة. «لا تفعل»، قلتُ له. «لديك الكثير من الناس هنا الذين يستطيعون أن يقودوا السيّارة. عليك أن تكون أكثر حذراً، وخصوصاً الآن. أي شيء ممكن أن يحدث» …
خلال اللقاء التالي مع أمين (الجميّل)، تحدّثنا عن التطوّرات وعن احتمال استمرار المفاوضات. لم ألمس حماسة من أمين، لكن من الصعوبة معرفة ذلك. ومع أن جنازة بشير كانت قد جرت للتوّ، كان أمين يرتدي بزة بيضاء جميلة، ومُحاكة بمهارة. وكانت أصابعه مثقلة بالخواتم المذهبة وكان ينتعل حذاءً لمّاعاً من جلد الأفعى. نظرت إليه وأدركت أن أياماً صعبة ستكون أمامنا. وفيما كنا في موضوع (صبرا وشاتيلا)، همس أحدهم في أذني: أنتم اليهود، أنتم مجانين. أنتم شعب مجنون». وفي كانون الثاني (من عام 1983)، زرتُ أنا وليلي بيروت كضيوف لشاعرة لبنان العظيمة، مي المرّ، وزوجها المهندس المعماري، ألفرد المرّ. وكالعادة، كانت حشود الشوارع حماسيّة (نحوي) للغاية. لكن حكومتهم كانت أقل حماسة بكثير منهم على مر الأشهر المنصرمة». هذا الفصل المشين من تاريخ لبنان يجب أن يكون معروفاً ومدروساً. والرجل كتب في وصف كورنيش المزرعة على أنّه شارع عريض يفصل بين «الأحياء الإرهابيّة». (ص 503)
ووصف «الأحياء الإرهابيّة» ينطلق من عقليّة صهيونيّة كلاسيكيّة تعاملت مع المدنيّين العرب منذ بدء الهجرة الصهيونيّة على أنهم دخلاء على الإنسانيّة ويجوز هدر دمهم بشتّى الوسائل. لا تخفي سيَر أرييل شارون المنشورة في الغرب أنّ الرجل كان يرسل السيّارات المُفخّخة (يضحك جوني عبده عندما يُسأل إذا كان هو أيضاً يُرسل سيّارات مُفخّخة إلى بيروت الغربيّة في تلك الحقبة) من أجل زيادة الضغط على المدنيّين المحاصرين (انظر صفحة 166 من كتاب أنيتا ميلر وزملائها، «شارون: المُحارب _ السياسي لإسرائيل»). لكن علاقة شارون بقادة وكتّاب ومثقّفين في لبنان مرّت من دون حساب أو محاكمة، ويتحمّل مسؤوليّة ذلك أيضاً من لا يزال يزهو بأن «ضربة كف» لم تصاحب الانسحاب الذليل لقوّات العدوّ الإسرائيلي من أرض لبنان. لم تتعامل المقاومة الفرنسيّة بضربات كف مع أعوان الاحتلال النازي. * كاتب عربي (موقعه على الإنترنت: angryarab.blogspot.com

Ariel Sharon speech in 1982: Hang me if you like…

Ariel Sharon led Israel army in Lebanon in 1982 and entered Beirut.

Israel army put siege around Beirut for 3 months and cut-off water supply, electricity, all kinds of power, and food stuff.

During the siege, Sharon bombed Beirut from air, sea and land and destroyed buildings with people in on the excuse of targeting Yasser Arafat.

The Lebanese trapped in West Beirut experienced the grueling feeling of Israeli soldiers emptying their potable water bottles when crossing back to their homes.

Here is a translation of a French text of Sharon’s defense confronting Kahan commission on the massacre of Sabra and Shatila of 1982:

“Even today, I am volunteer to do the dirty job for Israel: To kill as many Arabs as necessary, to deport them, transfer them, burn them

Do whatever the entire world hate us for doing, to harass the Jews of the diaspora and pressuring them to run to us crying in fright.

Even if we have to demolish a couple of synagogues her and there. I don’t care.

And I don’t care if after the job is finished to be tried in a Nuremberg-type tribunal and sent to jail for life.

Hang me as a war criminal, if you desire.

Am I an anti-semite? Fine.

I’ll do whatever is required to increase anti-antisemitism…”

Note: The French text

“Même aujourd’hui je me porte volontaire pour faire ce sale travail pour Israël, de tuer autant d’Arabes qu’il est nécessaire, de les déporter, de les expulser, de les brûler, de faire que le monde entier nous haïsse, de tirer le tapis de dessous les pieds des Juifs de la diaspora, ce qui les forcera à courir vers nous en pleurant.

Même s’il faut faire sauter une ou deux synagogues par-ci par-là, cela m’est égal.

Et cela m’est égal aussi si une fois le travail fait, vous me mettez devant un tribunal de Nuremberg puis me jetez en prison à vie.

Pendez-moi même, si vous voulez, comme criminel de guerre. » …

« Ainsi je suis un antisémite ? Parfait ! » …

….« Je ferai tout ce que je pourrai pour accroître l’antisémitisme ! »

Ariel Sharon (1982)


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