Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘David Ben Gurion

Part 3. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage

And another 700,000 a few years later.

Points of Agreement after the Debate

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Part 2. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage

Morris attempts to reconcile the apparent contradiction by arguing that “at no stage of the 1948 war was there a decision by the leadership of the Yishuv [the Jewish community] or the state to ‘expel the Arabs’”. In other words, it’s true that many Arabs were indeed expelled, but this was not the result of an official policy of the Zionist leadership.

“It’s true that in the 1930s and early ‘40s”, Morris further acknowledges, “David Ben-Gurion and Chaim Weizmann supported the transfer of Arabs from the area of the future Jewish state. But later they supported the UN decision, whose plan left more than 400,000 Arabs in place.

“It’s also true that from a certain point during the war, Ben-Gurion let his officers understand that it was preferable for as few Arabs as possible to remain in the new country, but he never gave them an order ‘to expel the Arabs.’

And, true, there was an “atmosphere of transfer that prevailed in the country beginning in April 1948”, but this “was never translated into official policy—which is why there were officers who expelled Arabs and others who didn’t. Neither group was reprimanded or punished.

“In the end, in 1948 about 160,000 Arabs remained in Israeli territory—a fifth of the population.

How my Grandmother Was Made Homeless: The dispossessed

Every year, on May 15, I ask my grandmother to tell me the story of how she was made homeless.

It happened 67 years ago. She was 14, the youngest of 11 siblings from a middle-class Christian family.

They had moved to Haifa from Nazareth when my grandmother was a little girl and lived on Garden Street in the German Colony, which used to be a colony for German Templars, later becoming a cosmopolitan center of Arab culture during the British Mandate.

When I ask her to recall what life in Haifa was like back then, her eyes fix on the middle distance.

“It was the most beautiful city I have ever seen. The greenery … the mountains overlooking the Mediterranean Sea,” she says, as her voice trails off.

My grandmother remembers clearly the night her family left.

They were woken up in the middle of the night by loud banging on the front door. My grandmother’s cousins, who lived in an Arab neighborhood of Haifa, had arrived to tell them that Haifa was falling.

The British had announced they were withdrawing, and there were rumors that the country was being handed over to the Zionists.

At the time, the German Colony had been relatively insulated from the incidents of violence in the rest of the country, which included raids and massacres of Palestinian villages by Zionist paramilitary groups.

Yet the Haganah, a paramilitary organization that later formed the core of the Israel Defense Forces, saw the British withdrawal from Haifa as an opportunity and carried out a series of attacks on key Arab neighborhoods where my grandmother’s aunts and cousins were living.

“That night our Jewish neighbors told us not to leave,” my grandmother remembers.

“And my father wanted to stay, to wait it out. But my mother … well she had 11 children, and of course she wanted us to be safe. And her sisters were leaving because of the attacks in their neighborhoods.”

The Bathish family. The author’s grandmother, the youngest of 11 children, is second from left in the front row. Taken around 1936–37.
The Bathish family. The author’s grandmother, the youngest of 11 children, is second from left in the front row. Circa 1936–37.

Courtesy of Saleem Haddad

The family debated all night. In the morning, they reached a decision.

They each quickly packed a small suitcase and left the rest of their belongings. “We hid the most valuable things we couldn’t take in a locked room in our house, thinking it would be safe until we came back,” she tells me, chuckling.

As the women of the family packed, my grandmother’s older brother, who had once been employed by the British forces, struck a deal, allowing them to leave on one of the last British vehicles withdrawing from Haifa. With what little they could carry, my grandmother’s family travelled to the Lebanese border, hiding in a British army vehicle.

When they arrived to Na’oura, on the border between Palestine and Lebanon, they were shocked to see so many other people from across the country.

“It felt like the world had ended. The borders were overcrowded with cars and trucks full of people and belongings fleeing the violence. Others were leaving by sea.”

At the border they were ordered into a car, which drove through Lebanon for a few more hours. They were dropped later that night in Damour, a coastal town just south of Beirut.

It was dark, they didn’t know anyone, and with no place to rest, the family of 13 slept on the streets in front of a supermarket, the dirty ground littered with rotting fruits and vegetables.

As the sun rose the next day, they walked the streets of the unfamiliar town, recognizing friends and neighbors from Haifa who were also wandering the streets aimlessly. After hearing that Beirut was too crowded with refugees, they headed to Jezzine, in south Lebanon, where friends helped set them up in a tiny room in the home of some family friends. (The same process is happening to the Syrian and Iraqi refugees)

“All summer we waited for news that we could go back,” my grandmother says. “By September, we realized there was little hope, and made plans to move to Beirut.”

For the next few years my grandmother’s family survived through the goodwill of friends and strangers, as well as through food parcels, given to them by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which contained, among other things, powdered eggs, much to my grandmother’s fascination.

Her older brothers eventually took up jobs in Beirut to support the family. My grandmother’s family was lucky on balance: As wealthier and Christian refugees, they were given Lebanese citizenship. However, the vast majority of Palestinian refugees were never naturalized, instead placed in one of the dozen UNRWA-operated camps in Lebanon, where they continue to live to this day.

My grandmother’s story is not a unique one.

In 1948 Zionist militias depopulated and destroyed more than 530 Palestinian towns and villages.

An estimated 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from their homes, and many who were unable to flee were massacred.

By the end of July 1948, hundreds of thousands of  Jewish immigrants from outside Palestine, many of whom were survivors of the Nazi Holocaust, had been housed in homes formerly belonging to Palestinian families like my grandmother’s.

In December, the new Israeli state implemented a series of laws commonly referred to as the Absentees’ Property Law.

These laws created a legal definition for non-Jews who, like my grandmother, had left or been forced to flee from Palestine. The laws allowed the newly created Israeli state to confiscate 2 million dunams (about 500,000 acres) of land from Palestinian families, including my own.

In April 2015 the law was extended to cover land in the West Bank, thereby legalizing the continued expulsion of Palestinians and the confiscation of their land and property in order to house new Israeli citizens coming from abroad.

The uniqueness of what has become known as the Palestinian Nakba, or catastrophe, is partly the timing: It occurred at the dawn of state formation throughout much of Asia and Africa, which meant that hundreds of thousands of non-Jewish Palestinians found themselves stateless, unrecognized in the new world of postcolonial nation-states.

Perhaps as a result, there is a joke that Palestinians collect passports obsessively, fearful that we might be stripped of one or the other.

But is that really surprising given our history, that moment where the door was shut, leaving us on the outside, unrecognized—not just homeless, but stateless as well?

Photograph of the author's grandmother's passports over the years.
Photograph of the author’€™s grandmother’€™s passports over the years.

Courtesy of Saleem Haddad

In 1948, upon Israel’s creation, David Ben-Gurion, the founder and first prime minister of Israel, remarked that “the old will die, and the young will forget.” Given the centrality the Jewish tradition places on memory and the commemoration of struggle and suffering, Ben-Gurion should have known better.

For the past 67 years, Palestinians have resisted the Israeli government’s continued efforts to erase the memories of trauma and resistance that began with the Nakba.

To this day, Palestinians of my grandmother’s generation often wear the keys to their old houses around their necks, a sign that despite the dispossession of their land, their memories refuse to dim.

Every time my grandmother recounts her experience, a new memory emerges, and I add it to the story, embellishing it with new details and anecdotes.

But as her memories made their way onto the page, I had a moment of self-doubt: In my grandmother’s recollection, she was clear that her family had made a decision to leave.

Might this play into one of the myths used to justify the establishment of modern-day Israel on Palestinian land—the myth that, despite overwhelming historical evidence to the contrary, Palestinians left on their own free will?

“Are you sure you left voluntarily?” I ask my grandmother. “There was a war,” she replies.

“But no one kicked you out, yes? No one was directly attacking you?” I continue.

The author's grandmother and grandfather as newlyweds, Beirut, 1952.
The author’€™s grandmother and grandfather as newlyweds, Beirut, 1952.

Courtesy of Saleem Haddad

“Not us personally, but my mother was worried by the reports. We thought we would be gone for a few weeks at most.”

Could my grandmother’s memory of the Nakba bolster the false narrative that Palestinians voluntarily left, given that her family had not been physically removed form their home?

As I considered this, my thoughts began to coalesce around two points.

The first point—which seems particularly poignant in 2015, as boats of Arab and African migrants sink off European shores—is a question: What constitutes voluntary displacement?

On May 15, 1948, in the face of growing hostilities and the threat of a regional war, my great-grandmother did the only thing she knew to protect her children: She left. Does running away from an imminent war, with a small suitcase and plans to return, constitute a voluntary departure?

And if so, is the departed then unentitled to the land and belongings they left behind, and forbidden from ever returning?

My second thought centered on the politics of memory in war.

In his novel, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, Milan Kundera writes: “The struggle of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.”

Israeli politicians hope that, given enough time and pressure, Palestinians will forget and accommodate themselves to their loss.

This remains true to this day, as the Israeli state consolidates its occupation, constricting the remaining Palestinians into ever-shrinking ghettos.

Meanwhile, the collective Israeli memory of the Nakba continues to ignore the bloody events that led to the expulsion and displacement of the Palestinian Arab population.

In textbooks, the events of May 15, 1948, make no mention of how Palestinians experienced the Nakba and instead represent Israel as a heroic David defeating the many enemies arrayed against it.

Since 2011, the refusal to acknowledge the Palestinian Nakba is enshrined in Israeli law, with organizations facing fines if they commemorate the day.

In the face of a powerful Israel that seeks to wipe away remnants of Palestinian life and culture, there is an instinct to close ranks and develop a single story.

Nuance and contradiction are luxuries that a people under threat cannot afford.

Yet to remember the events of 1948 and to recount them, with their nuances and diversities, is a form of resistance: resistance against forgetting. The collective memory of the Nakba is made up of 750,000 stories, one for each of those who left their homes and were never able to return.

Taken together, the stories offer a nuanced, real, and humane look at a community’s reaction to what is now widely accepted as an act of ethnic cleansing. My grandmother’s story, unique to her, is but one part of a collective memory of this trauma that must be told in all its shades of gray.

To recount the unique personal stories of those who lived through the Nakba is to commemorate the struggle and suffering of Palestinians who lost their land and lives at a time when Muslims, Christians, and Jews lived side by side on the land of historic Palestine.

It is to inscribe individual fates onto the canvas of history, which the victors painted in large, ugly blocks. It is personal stories like my grandmother’s, and their ability to be passed down to future generations, that serve as a reminder that peace and coexistence are possible, so long as the memories of all are acknowledged.

Early Settlements and Investors in Palestine

Capital is the first Jewish colony” had said Edmond de Rothschild

Before WWI, France was the Only western power to totally and unequivocally support Jewish settlements in Palestine. France support was political, economical, educational and administrative.

During WWI, France realized that it relied heavily on the Arab/Moslem troops in its colonies in North Africa (Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco) for its war efforts and stopped this direct support for new colonies: It reverted to England to directly resume the colonization of Palestine and agreed on England mandate over Palestine.

After WWII, France was again the main supporter of the new Israeli State and delivered the most sophisticated weapons and even built the first nuclear power plant in Israel and helped in producing an atomic bomb in the 60’s.

Since 1860, the main Jewish leaders were French and freshly naturalized French. The government instituted Universal Israelite Alliance to construct schools for the Jews in northern Africa where French was the main language.

In 1870, France extended the citizenship to the Jews living in north Africa and denied it to the Moslem “Arabs”

Ä. Silberstein, born in Palestine, wrote in 1930: France had morally conquered the Jews in the Orient (meaning in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq…). Whatever issue was related to France’s dignity and interests was made their own…

Mikveh-Israel was the first settlement on a land offered by the Turkish Sultan south of Jaffa (Yafa) in 1869. It was a very fertile piece of land with a small river running through close to the town of Yazour, now called Jason.

Charles Netter travelled to Istanbul to negotiate the settlement of a land in Palestine carrying over 100,000 francs that was supplied by the French banker Salomon Goldschmidt (president of UIA)

Netter was mainly targeting the Oriental Jews  in order to get them out of misery and put them to work on agricultural lands and learning practical artisanal skills. That was a pragmatic move since the Jews in the Orient had the same customs and traditions as the communities in the Land.

Actually, Netter was wondering why the Reformist Jews (mostly French at the time) were opting for the Oriental Jews to immigrate to America.

Netter was harsh on the ultra-orthodox clergy who collected the halucca, monetary retribution, from the pious Jews in order to pray on their behalf at the Wall in Jerusalem.

The triangle of Albert Cohen-Netter-Erlanger was the cornerstone that changed Edmond de Rothschild direction and purpose toward investing in Palestine and creating new colonies for the Jews.

Another catalyst to Edmond zeal was the Grand rabbi of Paris Zadoc Kahn (1839-1905). Zadoc delivered a speech in 1882 in the presence of Edmond that said:

“Desire goes much further than reality can deliver and sustain. Our sensibility, constantly taxed by excitation, has become maladive (sick).  We keep analysing with a manic curiosity, and the thought is constantly reverting in vicious circles. The deeper we dig and the more we catch the void.

“Life becomes the goal. denuded from all its colors and grandeur.

We badly need moral vigor, a serene confidence that we can match the evil forces.

Faith is defined by our actions and activities: An hour of purposeful activity is worth a lifetime of idle faith.

Regulating resting breaks is mainly meant to reinvigorate our willpower and avoid exhausting our mental energy.  Break periods should be enjoyed undertaking speculative work such as reading, daydreaming of useful projects  and not doing any kinds of activities…

Any study that is not part and parcel of active work is sterile”

Edmond de Rothschild began investing in Palestine at the age of 37, in 1882.

In the next 17 years, it seems that he spent $100 million in purchasing lands (gueoulah), building factories, schools and hospitals and disseminating Jewish settlements to produce what he needed.

The initial purchased lands were owned by wealthy Lebanese like the Sursock (banking) and many other feudal lords who became leaders in Lebanon political system due to the money they got from selling their lands in Palestine

For example, the colonies in the north of Yessod ha-maala and Mishmar ha-yarden were to plant jasmine for Edmonds perfume factory in Grasse.

In 1882, over 100 Jews from Warsaw (Poland) were shipped to the first colony of Mikveh-Israel (Hope of Israel).

The colony of Rishon Zion (First in Zion) and south of Mikveh-Israel was the first colony that Edmond financed totally.

The settlement of Zikhon-Jacob in Samaria was invaded by 200 Jews shipped from Galatz in Rumania. These immigrants were well off and earned good money and they revolted when they realized they were shipped to Palestine. They demanded to be sent back home.

Many immigrants died of Diphtheria and other illnesses.

Most immigrants were initially Sephardi (from Yemen, Iran, Syria, Morocco, the indigenous Jews and French Jews flocking from Istanbul and Turkey and called Francos).

After the pogroms committed by Russia in Poland since 1905, The Ashkenazi Jews of Poland and Germany started to outnumber the Sephardi and their Grand Rabbi replaced the Sephardi Rabbi.

Edmond was also interested in colonizing Asiatic Turkey since 1891.

Edmond appointed Elie Scheid in 1884 to head the Jewish colonies.

He first encountered Herzl in 1896 and Weizmann in 1913.

The Jewish Colonial Bank was founded in 1898.

The American Jewish Society was founded in 1906.

In the 1910’s, Edmond sold his shares in the oil fields in Baku (Azerbaijan) and reinvested this money in Palestine:  The Bolsheviks in Baku, lead by Stalin, had made investment in Baku a daily problem. At the turn of the 20th century, Baku produced 50% of the world oil.

The PICA was founded in 1924 and Edmond placed Henri Frank to be the director for a strategic expansion of the settlements.

Edmond visited Palestine 5 times: in 1887 (3 weeks), in 1893 (5 days), in 1899, in 1914 (2 weeks), and in 1925 (10 days).

During the Great Depression of 1928, no funds came to the colonies and the development of Tel Aviv was halted.  The project of establishing an Israeli state became dubious.

The Zionists reacted by committing massacres in Jerusalem in 1930 and Edmond fell prey to this machination of instilling religious enmities. He wrote a letter to France rabbi Israel Levi stating:

Our interest is to separate the religious question from politics, to separate the mandate questions from our Israelite Home” (This suggestion has made a full circle: It is the Jews refusing to separate religion from politics and the Palestinians demanding a State of civil rights)

The British mandated power refused any democratic elections, even for municipalities in Palestine under the pretence that it is not fair for the Jewish minority. The Palestinians started their first civil disobedience (Intifada) in 1936 and lasted 4 years.

The British had to dispatch 100,000 troops to quell the insurrection and committed all kinds of massacre and invented all kinds of torture that Israel has adopted in their integrity, even the administrative detention law.

David Ben Gurion, in his preface to the book of Kressel, pointed out that, if you joined by lines all the colonies already established by Edmond, you discover that the locations were not done haphazardly.

The colonies exhibited the boundaries to the planned partition of Palestine.

Actually, when the UN partitioned Palestine in 1947, it gave the Jewish minority (40% of the population) 57% of the land, such as any Jewish colony could enclose the neighboring Palestinian towns and villages so that the Jewish State included all the established settlements.

In 1917, Britain foreign minister, Lord Balfour, addressed his letter for the establishment of a Jewish homeland to Lord Walter, the son of Nathaniel Mayer Rothschild who became the first Jew to enter the Chamber of Lords.

In 1918, the French foreign minister S. Pichon ratified Balfour letter, and President Wilson followed suit on August 1918 in a letter to S.Wise.

Consequently, the western nations had already set their mind to partition Palestine before WWI ended.

The remains of Edmond were transferred from Pere-Lachaise cemetery in Paris to the hill of Ramat Hamadiv, close to Haifa in 1954.

Note: France had a mandated power over Syria and Lebanon. The French strategy was to divide these two countries into cantons of minorities.

The Syrian people kept a steady rebellion against the French presence and France bombed Damascus to the ground in 1923-24.

France ceded a big chunk of the most fertile and strategic lands in northern Syria to Turkey of Ataturk in 1936.

Since then, all the French institutions made it a policy to grab any opportunity to humiliate and weaken Syria.

Talk of Zionist lobby in the USA? All the French institutions are Zionists regardless of political lines.

Up until 1968, most Israeli weapons were French. De Gaulle, one of the staunchest Zionist, stopped delivering Mirage fighter jets after the Israeli pre-emptive 1967 war.

Currently, it is France that is building the Israeli nuclear submarines, financed by Germany. Israel has obtained already 6 of the most modern submarines.

Gaza back-story: Israel won’t be telling you

The Israelis of Sederot are coming under rocket fire from the Palestinians of Gaza?

Over 6,000 descendants of the Palestinians from Huj – now called Sederot – live in the squalor of Gaza. Israeli army had turned up at Huj on 31 May 1948 and expelled its inhabitants, never to return.

Living among the “terrorists” Israel is claiming to destroy and who are shooting at what was Huj.

The people who lived in Sederot in early 1948 were not Israelis, but Palestinian “Arabs”. Their village was called Huj.  Two years earlier in 1946, these same Arabs had actually hidden Jewish Haganah “terrorist” fighters from the British Army.

David Ben Gurion (Israel’s first Prime Minister) called the expulsion from Huj an “unjust and unjustified action”. Too bad. The Palestinians of Huj were never allowed back.

This is not just about the foul murder of three Israelis in the occupied West Bank.

Or the foul murder of burning alive a Palestinian in occupied East Jerusalem.

Nor about the arrest of many Hamas militants and politicians in the West Bank.  Nor about rockets.

As usual, in Israel objective it’s about land.

ROBERT FISK published this Wednesday 9 July 2014

The true Gaza back-story that the Israelis aren’t telling this week

A future Palestine state will have no borders and be an enclave within Israel, surrounded on all sides by Israeli-held territory

By this afternoon, the exchange rate of death in two days was 40-0 in favour of Israel. (This number increased to 60 dead and over 600 injured, mostly children and women, and over 60 houses destroyed by 400 jet attacks).

But now for the Gaza story you won’t be hearing from anyone else in the next few hours.

It’s about land.

The Israelis of Sederot are coming under rocket fire from the Palestinians of Gaza and now the Palestinians are getting their comeuppance. Sure. But wait, how come all those Palestinians – all 1.5 million – are crammed into Gaza in the first place? Well, their families once lived, didn’t they, in what is now called Israel? And got chucked out – or fled for their lives – when the Israeli state was created.

And – a drawing in of breath is now perhaps required – the people who lived in Sederot in early 1948 were not Israelis, but Palestinian Arabs. Their village was called Huj. Nor were they enemies of Israel. Two years earlier, these same Arabs had actually hidden Jewish Haganah fighters from the British Army.

But when the Israeli army turned up at Huj on 31 May 1948, they expelled all the Arab villagers – to the Gaza Strip! Refugees, they became. David Ben Gurion (Israel’s first Prime Minister) called it an “unjust and unjustified action”. Too bad. The  Palestinians of Huj were never allowed back.

And today, well over 6,000 descendants of the Palestinians from Huj – now Sederot – live in the squalor of Gaza, among the “terrorists” Israel is claiming to destroy and who are shooting at what was Huj. Interesting story.

And same again for Israel’s right to self-defence. We heard it again today.

What if the people of London were being rocketed like the people of Israel? Wouldn’t they strike back? Well yes, but we Brits don’t have more than a million former inhabitants of the UK cooped up in refugee camps over a few square miles around Hastings.

The last time this specious argument was used was in 2008, when Israel invaded Gaza and killed at least 1,100 Palestinians (exchange rate: 1,100 to 13). What if Dublin was under rocket attack, the Israeli ambassador asked then? But the UK town of Crossmaglen in Northern Ireland was under rocket attack from the Irish Republic in the 1970s – yet the RAF didn’t bomb Dublin in retaliation, killing Irish women and children.

In Canada in 2008, Israel’s supporters were making the same fraudulent point. What if the people of Vancouver or Toronto or Montreal were being rocket-attacked from the suburbs of their own cities? How would they feel? But the Canadians haven’t pushed the original inhabitants of Canadian territory into refugee camps.

And now let’s cross to the West Bank.

First of all, Benjamin Netanyahu said he couldn’t talk to Palestinian “President” Mahmoud Abbas because he didn’t also represent Hamas. Then when Abbas formed a unity government, Netanyahu said he couldn’t talk to Abbas because he had unified himself with the “terrorist” Hamas. Now he says he can only talk to him if he breaks with Hamas – even though he won’t then represent Hamas.

Meanwhile, that great leftist Israeli philosopher Uri Avnery – 90 years old and still, thankfully, going strong – has picked up on his country’s latest obsession: the danger that Isis will storm west from its Iraqi/Syrian “caliphate” and arrive on the east bank of the Jordan river.

“And Netanyahu said,” according to Avnery, “if they are not stopped by the permanent Israeli garrison there (on the Jordan river), they will appear at the gates of Tel Aviv.”

The truth, of course, is that the Israeli air force would have crushed Isis the moment it dared to cross the Jordanian border from Iraq or Syria.

The importance of this, however, is that if Israel keeps its army on the Jordan (to protect Israel from Isis), a future “Palestine” state will have no borders and will be an enclave within Israel, surrounded on all sides by Israeli-held territory.

“Much like the South African Bantustans,” says Avnery. In other words, no “viable” state of Palestine will ever exist. After all, aren’t Isis just the same as Hamas? Of course not.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Getty Images)Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Getty Images)

But that’s not what we heard from Mark Regev, Netanyahu’s spokesman. No, what he told Al Jazeera was that Hamas was “an extremist terrorist organisation not very different from Isis in Iraq, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Boko Haram…” Tosh.

Hezbollah is a Shia militia now fighting to the death inside Syria against the Sunni Muslims of Isis. And Boko Haram – thousands of kilometres from Israel – is not a threat to Tel Aviv.

But you get the point. The Palestinians of Gaza – and please forget, forever, the 6,000 Palestinians whose families come from the land of Sederot – are allied to the tens of thousands of Islamists threatening Maliki of Baghdad, Assad of Damascus or President Goodluck Jonathan in Abuja.

Even more to the point, if Isis is heading towards the edge of the West Bank, why is the Israeli government still building colonies there – illegally, and on Arab land – for Israeli civilians?

This is not just about the foul murder of three Israelis in the occupied West Bank or the foul murder of a Palestinian in occupied East Jerusalem. Nor about the arrest of many Hamas militants and politicians in the West Bank.  Nor about rockets. As usual, it’s about land.

Note 1: Do you care to refresh your memory on the Timeline of the attack on Gaza in 2012? https://adonis49.wordpress.com/2012/11/18/a-timeline-on-gaza-tragedy-from-imeu-and-the-electronic-intifada/

Note 2: Same lousy and murderous reasons that the western nations are extending Israel to resume its carnage, as in 2008 and 2012. Will anything change in humanity?

REACT NOW

“Israel started a capitalist State and never desisted” by Amir Ben Borat

There is this myth that Israel began as a socialist political system… Wrong.

Israel is currently a capitalist State by all measures or characteristics defining capitalism: working class division, vast inequality among the socio-economic communities, and the transformation of culture into a market product…

There was this impression, before the recognition of Israel by the UN as a State in 1948 with a majority of a single vote, that the Zionism movement is socialist, has a socialist project, and intends of establishing a socialist political structure.

It turned out that most factions within Zionism, including the “Workers in the Land of Israel Party” (MAPI) and headed by David Ben Gurion had a national Zionist project based on capitalism.  All the socialist factions were steadily kicked out of the coalition, until the capitalist system took roots.

The outer shell of Israel political and social system gave the impression of a social-democratic system leaning, such as the ones practiced in western Europe, but capitalism was pragmatically the main driving economic ideology.

The various Israeli political party in power provided excuses as to the critical situation of Israel in the region for survival, but Israel started capitalist from the beginning and never looked back.

The current liberal capitalist system that has been fully functional in the last two decades, and never had to revise or alter the previous structure of the supposedly “leftist” Work Party.

Note 1: Post inspired from the article of Antoine Shalhat, correspondent of the daily Al Nahar in Israel, and based on the book of Amir Ben Borat “How Israel transformed capitalist”

Note 2: It is said that Stalin of the Soviet Union was the first to recognize Israel on the assumption that it will be the first communist State in the Middle-East… And the regional communist parties in the Near-East went along the Soviet dictate…

British and Zionist terror tactics in Palestine in the 1930’s

In the 1920’s, under British mandated power, the Palestinians delivered countless petition to the British administration to conduct democratic elections for municipal and the Parliament, as did the French mandated power in Syria and Lebanon. The Zionist Jews, in Palestine and their lobbies in England and the USA, blocked any election process, on the ground that since they are in the minority (one Jew to 10 Palestinians), the election would be at their disadvantage.

As England refused to institute democratic laws and representation in Palestine, the Palestinians realized that the mandated power is intent on establishing a Zionist State in part of Palestine.

In Nov. 1935, sheikh Al Qassam and four of his followers moved to the forest of Jenine and started training and preparing for civil resistance.  The British assassinated all of them.

And the “Great Revolt“, as labeled by the British, lasted 3 years.  The British engaged 100,000 troops to quell the civil insurrection by all means of cruelty and brutality.

A British physician on the field, Tom Segev, wrote in his diary: “The brute tactics used by the British forces and the methods of humiliation could be efficiently adopted by Nazi Hitler.  Nazi Germany could learn and assimilate the British terror tactics on smooth running of concentration camps...”

The British initiated and trained Jewish colons to participate in the taming of the Palestinian civil disobedience.

David Niv, the official historian of the terrorist Zionist organization, the Irgun, wrote in “The campaign of the National Military Organization 1931-37”:

The violent attacks of the Irgun are not done in reaction of those who perpetrated acts of violence against Jews, and the random violence were not conducted in localities where violent acts were done.  The principal criteria were:

First, the targets must be accessible, and

Second, the terror attacks must kill the maximum of civilian Palestinians…”

In their National Bulletin, the Irgun displayed their satisfaction of the 3-week-long terror attacks on Palestinians, throwing bombs in crowded markets, Mosques, hand grenades in buses, machine-gunning passing trains…

The 3 weeks spree of random violence killed over 140 Palestinians, a number far greater that the Palestinian resistance movement killed in 18 months…

The leader of the Irgun, the Polish Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky, wrote in 1923:

We must develop the colonies behind a “Wall of Steel”, backed by a protective force that could not be broken.  The Palestinians (labelled Arabs) will never accept any Jewish colony as long as they conserve a slight hope of dislodging it.  A voluntary agreement is not thinkable. We have to resume the colonization process without taking into consideration the humors of the indigenous population...”

David Ben Gurion, leader of the Zionist Haganah organization, rallied to that strategy, though he publicly condemned Jabotinsky fascist methods (Jabotinsky was a staunch admirer of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini)

The terrorist Zionist Stern organization, lead by Menahem Begin and Yitzak Shamir, (both later to be elected Prime Ministers in the 80’s), merged with the Irgun as Ben Gurion proclaimed unilaterally the establishment of Israel in 1948.

The Stern and Irgun and Haganah conducted terror attacks and genocides in many Palestinian towns and villages, forcing the Palestinians to flee: The Palestinians believed the leave will be of short-term duration, as the UN will negotiate their return…

Actually, the Zionist organizations started collecting intelligence pieces on the villages and towns they planned to transfer by terror tactics since 1939.  They waited for a war to start to giving the green light for the execution of detailed plans in 1947, the year England decided to relinquish its mandated power over Palestine.

Note 1 : Article inspired from a chapter in “A history of Lebanon, 1860-2009” by the British journalist David Hirst.  Hirst was the correspondent of the British daily The Guardian in the Middle-East for 43 years.  He was kidnapped twice during Lebanon civil war.

Note 2: The British secret services trained French assassins since 1942 during WW2

Note 3: You may read this link on doctoring reports of random violence by Israel establishment http://www.stoptorture.org.il/files/Doctoring%20the%20Evidence%20Abandoning%20the%20Victim_November2011.pdf


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

September 2019
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