Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘Egypt

Egypt Al Azhar: Most ancient Religious Madrasat?

Again, I don’t care about any religious sect. Posting this article just for history buffs.

الأزهر شاهدا على عصره منذ ١٠٥٠ سنة

يسجل التاريخ أن (الأزهر) أنشئ فى أول عهد الدولة الفاطمية بمصر جامعا باسم (جامع القاهرة، الذى سمى الأزهر فيما بعد) حيث أرسى حجر أساسه فى الرابع والعشرين من جمادى الأولى 359هـ/970م ، وصلى فيه الخليفة المعز لدين الفاطمى ثانى خلفاء الدولة الفاطمية صلاة الجمعة الأولى من شهر رمضان سنة 361هـ/972م.

كان التعليم فى الأزهر قائما على الاختيار الحر ، بحيث يختار الطالب أستاذه والمادة التى يقوم بتدريسها ،

أو الكتاب الذى يقرؤه لطلابه ، ويعرض نصوصه نصًا نصًا ،

فإذا اتم الطالب حفظه من علم الأستاذ ، وأنس من نفسه التجويد تقدم لأستاذه ليمتحنه مشافهة ،

فإذا أظهر استيعابا ونبوغا منحه الأستاذ إجازة علمية مكتوبة ، وكانت هذه الإجازة كافية لصلاحه باًن يشتغل بالتدريس فى المدارس أو فى المساجد أو فى جامع الأزهر نفسه ،

وظل العمل على ذلك حتى أواخر القرن التاسع عشر ، حيث استعيض عنه بنظام التعليم الحديث.
وواكب ذلك إصدار عدة قوانين لتنظيم العمل بالأزهر.

وأول هذه القوانين قانونا القرن التاسع عشر: أولهما فى سنة 1872م ينظم طريقة الحصول على العالمية وموادها ، وثانيهما فى سنة 1885م ، وأهم ما تناوله: تحديد صفة من يتصدى لمهنة التدريس في جامع الأزهر أن يكون قد انتهى من دارسة أمهات الكتب فى أحد عشر فنا واجتاز فيها امتحانا ترضى عنه لجنة من ستة علماء يرأسهم شيخ الأزهر.

وفى بداية القرن العشرين استصدر قانون سنة 1908 فى عهد المشيخة الثانية للشيخ حسونة النواوى ، وفيه تم تأليف مجلس عال لإدارة الأزهر برئاسة شيخ الأزهر ، وعضوية كل من مفتى الديار المصرية ، وشيوخ المذهب المالكى والحنبلى والشافعى واثنين من الموظفين.

وفيه أيضا تقسيم الدراسة لثلاث مراحل: أولية وثانوية وعالية ، ومدة التعليم فى كل منها أربع سنوات ، يمنح الطالب الناجح فى كل مرحلة شهادة المرحلة.

فى عهد المشيخة الأولى للشيخ محمد مصطفى المراغى أعد مشروع القانون رقم 49 لسنة 1930م ، لكنه اصدر فى عهد مشيخة الشيخ محمد الأحمدى الظواهرى ويجمع الرأى على أن هذا القانون مثّل خطوة موفقة لإصلاح الأزهر ، ومكنه من مسايرة التقدم العلمى والثقافى والمعرفى.

وفى هذا القانون حددت مراحل التعليم أربعة مراحل:
ابتدائية لمدة أربع سنوات ، وثانوية لمدة خمس سنوات ، وثلاث كليات للشريعة الإسلامية ، وأصول الدين ، واللغة العربية ، مدة الدراسة بكل منها أربع سنوات ،

ثم تخصص مهنى مدته سنتان فى القضاء الشرعى والإفتاء ، وفى الوعظ والإرشاد ،

وفى التدريس ثم تخصص المادة لمدة خمس سنوات تؤهل الناجح للحصول على العالمية مع درجة أستاذ ويعد هذا القانون الذى أنشئته بمقتضاه الكليات الثلاث والتخصصات المدنية والعلمية هو الإرهاص لميلاد جامعة الأزهر القائمة الآن بمقتضى القانون 103 لسنة 1961 م.

بصدور القانون الأخير رقم 103 لسنة 1961م وتحول النظام التعليمى إلى النظم التعليمية الحديثة ،

وتوسع الأزهر فى نوعيات وتخصصات التعليم والبحث العلمى للبنين والبنات على السواء ،

وضم إلى الكليات الشرعية والعربية كليات للطب وطب الأسنان والصيدلة والعلوم والتربية والهندسة ، والإدارة والمعاملات ، واللغات والترجمة ويتلقى طلابها قدرا لا بأس به فى العلوم الدينية ، لتحقيق المعادلة الدراسية بينهم وبين نظرائهم فى الكليات الأخرى.

المصدر : تاريخ الأزهر عبر العصور أ.د / محمد سعدى فرهود.

في سنة ١٩٦٧ طرأ تعديل على الدراسة في كلية الشريعة والقانون بحيث أصبحت مدة الدراسة – في قسمها العام الذي تدرس فيه كافة مقررات كلية الحقوق في عين شمس والقاهرة إضافة الى مقررات كلية الشريعة – ٥ سنوات للحصول على شهادة الليسانس، فيحصل الخريج على كافة الامتيازات المعطاة لخريجي كليات الحقوق ولخريجي كلية الشريعة معاً. مع احتفاظ الأزهر بنظام الدراسة في كلية الشريعة تخصص الشريعة والتي تستغرق مدة الدراسة فيها 4 سنوات دون تعديل شهادتها بمثيلاتها من كليات الحقوق.

No photo description available.

A scene from the Egyptian movie Avocato (Lawyer): the comic actor Adel Imam

Don’t you see me going to jail? Isn’t it proof enough that I am innocent?

Play

مشهد جامد جدا من فيلم الأفوكاتو … مش شايفني رايح على السجين يبقى كسبت القضية
====================
– فتحت الجلسة؛ إتفضل يا أستاذ قضيتك نمرة 35 و عندنا 175 قضية في الروول .

= بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم؛ سيدي الرئيس حضرات المستشارين، ان القضية التي أمامنا قضية بسيطة جدا و واضحة تماماً، فالمتهم ضبط و هو يتاجر بالعملة الصعبة، و الادلة ثابتة و السجن مصيره لامحالة!

*الله يخرب بيتك يا استاذ.
= ولكن و لتسمح عدالة المحكمة أن أبين بعض النقاط قد تكون خافية على العامة و لكنها بالطبع لاتخفى على سيادتكم؛ هل من العدالة أن نعاقب متهم على جريمة نحن نرتكبها جميعا ؟ أنا لن أتكلم عن الحكومة..

– بقولك إيه : إصطبح و قول يا صبح.
= سيادة الرئيس أنا بقول لن أتكلم عن الحكومة.. فالحكـومة عندنا…
– ياحسن !!

= سيادة الرئيس أرجوا من عدالتكم أنها تسمحلي اني اكمل مرافعتي.
– إتفضل… إتفضل ياسي حسن !
= فالحكومة عندنا تتاجر في السوق السوداء للعملة.

– يا حسن!
= سيادة الرئيـس أنا معايا أدلة..
– خلصنا يا حسن .

= الي انا عاوز اقوله يا سيادة الرئيــس إنه الحكومة بتاعتنا حكومة رشيدة.. حكومة رشيدة حقا! بتجع الفلوس و العملة الصعبة من السوق السودة من أجل مصلحة هذا البلد.. ومن منا ضد مصلحة هذا البلد؟ هاء؟ لاأحد.. بما فيهم هذا المتهم؛

ولكن أيضا من منا لا يتعامل بالعملة الصعبة؟ اني اريد ان اقول يا سيادة الرئيـس : من في هذه القاعـة لا يتعامل بالدولار؟! القضية أيها السادة تحتاج إلى ظمير أكثر من حاجتها إلى قانون، تحتاج إلى روح العدالة أكثر من حاجتها لتفسيرات محكمة النقض.. سيادتك عندك ثلاجة 16 قدم ؟!!
– أيوه !

= جبت الدولارات بتاعتها منين ؟
– من الزمالك .
= و حضرتك ؟
– من العجوزة .
= و سيادتك ؟
– ألفت كتاب في الكويت و دفعولي ثمنه هناك.

= و هربت من الضرايب ! و هكذا يأتي السؤال أيها السادة : إذا كان رب الدار بالدف ضاربا فلماذا لا يرقص أهل البيت ؟ موكلي كان يرقص … و ليس هنالك قانون أيها السادة يمنع الرقص.. هل هنالك قانون يا حضرات المستشارين يمنع الرقص ؟!
– إنتَ قليل الأدب !

– أنا بهرب من الضرايب ياحسن إنت عاوز توديني في داهية ؟
– حكـمة المحكمة ببرائة المتهم، و حبس المحامي لمدة شهر؛ رفعت الجلسة !

A few jokes attached for former deposed Egypt President Mubarak

Being told that he must write a letter of farewell to the Egyptian People, after being pressured to abdicate, Mubarak responded: “Why, where the Egyptian people is intending to transfer?”
An obstetrician, renowned for delivering twins,  was summoned to meet Mubarak: The president and his chair constituted a single entity.

حكومة مصر استدعت الدكتور الربيعان لفصل مبارك عن كرسي الرئاسة باعتبار الدكتور الربيعة أشهر طبيب عربي متخصص في فصل التوائم.

فتحي سرور طلب من الرئيس حسني مبارك كتابة رسالة وداع للشعب المصري لكن مبارك رد عليه قائلاً ليه ..”هوا الشعب المصري رايح فين”.

اتصل مبارك بإحدى الإذاعات، برنامج “ما يطلبه المستمعون” وأهدى إلى شعبه أغنية “أخاصمك آه…. أسيبك لا”.

اتصل أمس، مبارك بزين العابدين بن علي وقال له : ” ألو وحياة أبوك إذا بتنام بدري خبيلي المفتاح تحت الباب”!

المصريون.. هلكوا القذافي.. قصفوه بالسخرية فدكوا مواقعه وحصونه، ولعل من بين أقوى التصريحات التي خرجت بحق القذافي، تلك التي نقلتها وسائل إعلام عن الفنانة إسعاد يونس، والتي قالت فيها:

“لا لقتل القذافي أو إعدامه.. عايزينه في قفص قزاز صاحي ومعاه سباطة موز وميكروفون.. أمال حانتسلى بإيه في رمضان؟”.

غير أن من بين التعليقات التي انتشرت على الفيسبوك ما ذكره أحدهما: “عزيزي معمر القذافي بالنسبة لمقولتك: أنا لست رئيسا ورجلا عاديا حتى يتم قتلي بالسم.. الرجل العنكبوت مثلا؟”

Stopping PB in Egypt

We recently visited a small Egyptian town, Idku lies just east of Alexandria, that fought off plans by giant BP to build a gas terminal on its land as part of an $11 billion project.

After a year of delays, the oil company was forced to re-route its proposed pipeline and processing plant.

Mika posted on June 25, 2013:

Idku, where the Nile Delta meets the Mediterranean.

We met a number of local activists, farmers and fisher folk, who explained that Idku’s land and water has for years suffered from pollution by both nearby sewage canals and the existing BG/Rashpetco’s LNG export plant.

Liquefied natural gas is exported from Idku to East Asia and Europe.

BP, having drilled for oil in the deep waters of the North Alexandria block, wanted to build yet another new gas plant on Idku’s beach.

This is part of a larger $11 billion project (62% owned by BP and 38% by German RWE), including sub-sea pipelines, oil platforms and the gas terminal itself.

But the community was tired of their sea being polluted by large corporations. Emboldened by the ongoing revolution that also enable them to organise more publicly, local activists mobilised against BP’s plans.

(I’m worried of what oil production in Lebanon will do to our already polluted seashore)

An enormous popular street assembly against BP's plans in Idku

An enormous popular street assembly against BP’s plans in Idku

Nadine_Marroushi_no_bp_sign

“No to BP” painted in English & Arabic on a road block. Photo by Nadine Marroushi

"Lift your head up high - you're Egyptian - No to BP"

“Lift your head up high – you’re Egyptian – No to BP”

From 2011 onwards, graffiti appeared around the town on walls, lamp-posts and houses, combining revolutionary chants with anti-BP slogans and demands to save Idku’s environment.

Banners were draped across the roads. Popular assemblies in the street gathered outrage and gave space for local residents to speak out.

Local activists researched BP’s activities elsewhere, gathering evidence of abuses and pollution elsewhere and warning that the company could cause a disastrous spill like it had in the Gulf of Mexico, in the deep waters north of Egypt.

Facebook groups were used to share updates within Idku and connect with activists elsewhere.

Many in the local community felt that pollution by Rashpetco and BG had caused fish death and ruined their agricultural land and joined the opposition to BP’s plans.

Protests included a symbolic funeral procession and a sit-in occupation at BP’s proposed construction site in late 2011. The main “International Highway” road was blocked, and BP’s Idku office raided and computers confiscated.

march_BP_banner_2

A banner from Idku’s farmers rejects BP’s plans

march_BP_banner

A banner against BP stretches across the road

march_coffin

A symbolic coffin is carried, with the words “No to the death of life on Idku’s land”

march_flags_truck

A truck full of Idku residents heads to the construction site to protest

The consistent protests forced the governor of Beheira to back local demands, and imposed delay after delay onto BP. After 18 months of postponing work, BP conceded to the pressure and agreed not to build the gas terminal in Idku.

Idku’s victory shows that even small communities, far from the media spotlight of Tahrir – can win against major odds.

By protesting and taking action, local residents stopped a multi-billion project and protected their local environment, health and land.

BP, ever resourceful, has found a way to continue its larger plans – moving the gas terminal further east along the coast, into the neighbouring governate of Kfar Sheikh.

It is now facing repeated protests from nearby villagers there. They join the communities in Damietta fighting the MOPCO fertiliser factory, Dabaa opposing a nuclear power plant and the people of Idku in their continued struggle versus BG. All across Egypt, people are fighting for environmental justice.

Idku protestors opposing BP’s plans for a gas terminal take to the beach. BG’s LNG export plant is in the background

– See more at: http://platformlondon.org/2013/06/25/winning-against-the-odds-how-an-egyptian-community-stopped-bp-in-its-tracks/#sthash.5b0hqFGS.dpuf

Comments and Notes posted on FB and Twitter in Arabic/Lebanese slang. Part 8

Note: These are notes and comments in Lebanese dialect written in Latin characters and with numbers (2,3, 5, 7,8) representing vocals and consonants Not available in Latin or Saxon languages.

Egypt President Sisi nakirat: Gaza hospitals are closing for lack of oil.

A7yaam kalimaati taka3ou 3ala 7itaan. Mo3zam al wakt tadkhol al 3akel

Nisbiyyeh aw shi tani, taalama al mourrasha7 lazem ye koun sammad $100,000, al natijat ta tama7war 7awl “tabakat 7akimat” min zamaan

Mazbout Na3eem Kassem baddo ye 7awel Loubnan ila dawleh Islamiyyat? Khemmana Hezbollah bado dawlet moush ta2ifiyyeh?

Intakassat bayn Saad wa waziraho Al Jarra7: Saudi Kingdom badha tsakker kaman Ogero bi Loubnan 

Alfo lejnat lel nazar fi ma3ayeer moukata3at Israel, kabel ma al siyassiyeen yedlo bi mawakefhom
Nifayaat 3ala shate2 Sami ejet min nifayaat Beit Chabab, Cornet al Hamra wa Mazra3at Yachou3. Hal baladiyyat bit kebb nifayatouha bi majra Nahr al Kalb wa al shetteh al ghazeer bit jamme3a bil nahr

2al shou? ellak 7a2 tetfarraj. ka2anno msharda2 etfarraj 3ala le3ba al mou3aa2

Moush msharda2 erja3 3an kareeb ila Garderie. Hal mara me3tebrat enno al Club her private playing ground. wa hiya al mo3alimat

Kaalat enno ya7ok li bass etfarraj. 3ala shou? 3ala le3b ma2zoum?

How to wreck a country in 369 days?  Blame it on Muhammad Morsy?

Note: The USA decided to bring the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Egypt when the Spring uprising was successful to bring Mubarak down. Since this movement was the only organized party, Obama and Hillary refused to delay the election so that their preferred choice gets elected.

MICHAEL WAHID HANNA published in Foreign Policy this JULY 8, 2013

Let’s make this abundantly clear: No one should be pleased with the division and bloodshed playing out in the streets of Cairo right now, particularly as military repression escalates.

But let’s also make this abundantly clear: One man bears the ultimate responsibility for the crisis of leadership — Mohamed Morsy

With Morsy now arbitrarily detained by the military following his July 3 ouster and Egyptian security forces indulging in violent, reckless repression, the former Egyptian president and his Muslim Brotherhood movement have legitimate grievances regarding their unjustifiable treatment.

But let’s not forget how we got to this grim point.

On the night of June 30, in the face of unprecedented, nationwide mass mobilization and protest, Morsy was politically wounded, his legitimacy undermined, his ability to govern Egypt irreparably damaged.

In response to the bottom-up, grassroots campaign that brought millions out into the streets, critical sectors of the state bureaucracy openly abandoned the president, leaving him with an illusory and nominal grip on power.

He faced a country dangerously polarized, its social fabric fraying. At that moment, Egypt had fleetingly few options for avoiding the grim possibility of civil strife — and all of them resided with Morsy.

Despite inheriting intractable political, economic, and social problems, when Morsy ascended to power on June 30, 2012, he had choices — and he chose factional gain, zero-sum politics, and populist demagoguery.

In a system without functioning checks and balances, those choices generated increasing levels of polarization, destroying trust and crippling the state. These decisions were a reflection of his hostility to criticism and his and the Muslim Brotherhood’s denigration of the opposition’s role in Egyptian society.

In the period prior to this year’s June 30 mass protests on the first anniversary of Morsy’s swearing-in, when concessions and compromise might have found an orderly way out for Egypt, Morsy instead grudgingly offered airy promises and hollow gestures.

The fateful, misguided decisions made throughout his tenure and in the run-up and aftermath of the June 30 protests have now put Egypt on the cusp of civil strife and violent conflict.

An intransigent, isolated President chose to ignore reality and set the country on the course for an undeniably unfortunate military intervention into civilian politics. (Egypt has been governed by the military since 1955)

While Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood will undoubtedly now assume their more familiar role as victims, significantly aided by the brutality and stupidity of a repressive Egyptian security sector, the primary responsibility for Morsy’s ouster and Egypt’s perilous state resides with the deposed president and his Brothers. None of this was inevitable.

This is not to suggest that the Brotherhood should now be ostracized, persecuted, or forced underground. The Muslim Brotherhood is an organic and deeply rooted religious, social, and political movement with a robust and resilient base. It must be a part of Egypt’s future. But its part in Egypt’s recent past has been an unmitigated disaster.

Morsy’s fatal final decisions confirmed his insular, factional worldview, which prioritized the Muslim Brotherhood before the nation. Simply put, he failed to comprehend that his secret society had no monopoly on Egypt and that their electoral victories were not an unlimited mandate. The Muslim Brotherhood believed that the series of elections throughout 2011 and 2012, which represented in many ways the last elections of Hosni Mubarak’s era, bespoke something essential about Egyptian society and the Brotherhood’s place within it.

These traits — bullheadedness, insularity, and paranoia — were on vivid display as Egypt careened toward June 30, but they had manifested themselves repeatedly over the course of the Brotherhood’s short, unhappy time in power.

Morsy’s 369 days in power were typified by a lack of reform, which alienated activists and reformists; a lack of reconciliation, which blocked any potential outreach to members of the former regime; and narrow, monopolistic governance, which alienated all political forces — including his erstwhile Islamist allies, particularly the al-Nour Party, which abandoned Morsy during his final hours. This reckless approach to power spurred alienation, paralyzed governance, and resulted in repression and discontent — and opposition grew.

The bill of particulars is damning and dates back to the immediate post-Mubarak period, when the Brotherhood chose to pursue a formalist procedural transition that saw elections alone as democracy, while ignoring substantive reform of a failing system.

The narrow window for confronting Mubarak’s police state and crony capitalism would have required a modicum of solidarity among the forces that propelled the uprising against Mubarak. But in the first of a series of betrayals, the Muslim Brotherhood set out on a course to retool Mubarak’s authoritarian state and co-opt its tools of repression, with the Brotherhood itself in the helm.

Not only did the Muslim Brotherhood help craft and endorse the interim military ruler’s flawed transitional road map, which was filled with gaps and omissions, but the Brotherhood  immediately set about stigmatizing its opponents on the basis of crude religious and sectarian demagoguery.

Reformist and activist forces who sought to challenge the emerging political order were tarred and treated as obstacles in the Brotherhood’s pursuit of factional gain. Hence was set in motion a substance-free transition whose sole defining feature was a grueling series of elections.

12NEXT

 

Are the slums of Egypt any better than other slums in the world?

Note: Have no idea who is the author of this piece.
I spent 15 days in Egypt during the month of June.
I initially went to volunteer with Al Mawred in the slums of Cairo and more precisely in Istabl Antar and Ezbet khayrallah area!
The kids! and the slums !
when i first got there i couldn’t help but wonder if they were any worse than the Indian slums! or the Brazilian ones!
At least people in Istabl Antar are productive (something that is rare to find in other slums i visited)
On the way, from the mini bus window
First picture i took upon my arrival
They are all looking for a 2nd 3rd or 4th wife! anyone interested? they asked me to post their picture!!!!

Then i started working with kids on different themes. mainly we focused a lot on animals! bodies, voices, attitudes etc…

when we all met in the big theatre space, the only way to get their attention was to mime and clown around!
and to tell them stories from the “flower’s garden” repertoire which they enjoyed very much!  pic by: Halim Al Chaarani
these are  candles that he would like to have so he can get rid of darkness at  night when there’s no electricity and when his father is away!
 
our goodbyes

10 Reasons Egypt Is a Great Place to Be an Expat

A recent HSBC  study ranked Egypt as the worst country to be an expat, with its political  and economic instability and rising xenophobia.

As a foreigner living in Cairo, I wholeheartedly disagree.

While Egypt may  not be ideal for all types of expats and while I do have intense bouts of  homesickeness that leave me Googling the next flight outta here, I love living  in Egypt and know many expats who say the same. Here’s why:

(I presume this article was written during Moubarak period and the Spring Uprising? Where Western colonial people there had it all?)

1. Cost of Living

egyptian-pounds

According to Expatistan,  which neatly breaks down cost-of-living comparisons between cities by Food,  Housing, Clothes, Transportation, Personal Care and Entertainment, Cairo is 60%  cheaper than Washington, D.C., the city I was living in before moving to Egypt.  With heavily favorable exchange rates, foreign currencies go a long way in this  country.

2. Opportunities

Passport-In-Europe

I have a European friend – fresh grad, no solid experience – who landed a job  at a reputable NGO here simply because she was a native English speaker, had  interest in the subject and knew somebody who knew somebody who used to work  there.

She never would have been accepted for an equivalent position back in her  home country. Here, the field of competition is ridiculously smaller and, thus,  opportunities are greater. Yea, it’s not fair, but it’s true.

3. Culture and History

monument

The cradle of civilization, the mother of the world, home to two-thirds of  the globe’s historical monuments and the last surviving Wonder of the World,  centuries of rich culture and arts (from Pharaonic hieroglyphs to the graff on  Mohamed Mahmoud St.), the gateway to Africa and a beacon of the Arab region…

I  mean, come on, there’s an entire academic subject area dedicated solely to the  study of Egypt. And if you have kids, how lucky are they to grow up in the  middle of all of this?

4. Hidden Gems

Cairo-panoramic-view

For a foreigner, Egypt is filled with fascinating oddities, well-kept secret  spots, off-the-beaten-path marvels – and one of the best things to do here is  explore.

This is great for backpackers and adventure-seekers on holiday, but  even for expats the allure lasts. And for those who have been here long enough  for the wonder to dissipate, a comfortable sense of home takes it place.

5. Politics

While Egypt’s political scene is a downside for some, it’s a draw for a  politics buff like me – and many others, including journalists, academics,  activists and members of civil society (yes, we’re all spies).

I’m incredibly  grateful to be able to witness, first-hand, history in the making instead of  through a TV screen showing media coverage that’s incomplete, at best, or  downright fabricated, at worst.

6. Egyptian Sense of Humor

bassem

I used to hate it. But now I get it… I think. Maybe I just haven’t been here  long enough yet to unlearn the political correctness that was drilled into me  during my upbringing. In any case, there’s nothing like it and the Aussies and  Kiwis especially love it.

7. Egyptian Hospitality

hospitality

Another friend – total American white girl, sore thumb – tells a tale of how  she had someone visiting from home who wanted to try “the famous Egyptian  hashish”.

True story: This girl went to Sayeda Zeinab sometime between sunset  and curfew, tip-toed her way around the blood puddles in the street (it was  Eid), picked a guy at random (who also happened to be selling knives) and after  a nice smoke session, scored a generous finger of mind-blowing hash for 75 LE because she said it was for her tourist friend who wanted to  sample the local goods. Egyptian hospitality at its finest.

8. The Mediterranean, the Red Sea, the  desert, the Nile…

dahab

I feel so lucky to live in Egypt and have such gorgeous locales just a short  flight (or long road trip) away. From Siwa to Sinai, Aswan to Alexandria and  everything in between, this country’s natural wonders never fail to take  my breath away.

9. The Conveniences

koshk

(Credit: Ghazala Irshad/The  Koshk Project)

Some things Egyptians take for granted, but for most expats just aren’t the  norm.

Everything delivers at all hours. Forget the water cooler, the office boy will make you coffee. The ubiquitous koshk in all of its 24-hour,  convenient glory.

The extra 3 LE of credit you can get from Vodafone if you dial  *3# when you’re running low. Otlob.com. And you can get pretty much anything in  downtown Cairo.

Want to change some Euro on the black market? There’s a sidewalk  cafe on the left side at the end of Talaat Haarb street. Whoever’s sitting at  the chair at the turn of the corner will give you the most current rates.  Negotiation, obviously, is a must. (Its tradition. If you decline to negotiate they might Not even sell you)

10. The People

happyegyptians

My Egyptian friends would kill me if I didn’t include them (love you!). But  seriously: Here, you’re treated like family. And while nothing can replace  blood, no one here will ever let you sit alone, there’s always someone to call  or somewhere to go if you run into any kind of trouble, and people, from your  bawab to your landlady, genuinely care.

Read more: 10 Reasons Egypt Is a Great Place to Be an Expat | Scoop Empire http://scoopempire.com/10-reasons-egypt-fantastic-place-expat/#ixzz2k8Vl3M2O

Follow us: @ScoopEmpire on Twitter | ScoopEmpire on Facebook

Gamal Abdel Naaser borrowed money according to standard procedure to wed his daughter

Hassan Abaas Zaki, former chief of Egypt central bank and minister of finance recounted this story.

Gamal Abdel Naaser earned 500 Egyptian pounds as President and needed 10,000 in order to wed his daughter.

Marshal Abdel Karim Amer enjoyed an open account in the budget of the army, but the President refused to dip his hands into accounts Not meant for him.

Image may contain: 2 people, people standing and indoor
Nawwaf AlShibli to شبكة اخبار بلديCNN

نريد من أي مسؤول أن يتعرض لاختبار النزاهة والصدق!!

عندما كنت رئيسا لبنك مصر اتصل بي ذات مرة سامي شرف سكرتير الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر وطلب مني الحضور لمقابلة الرئيس .. وذهبت وأنا أرتعش وقلت لنفسي لماذا يطلب الرئيس عبد الناصر مقابلتي شخصيا ؟؟!! ، وعندما دخلت عليه وهي المرة الأولى التي أقابله في حياتي وجدت في عينيه بريق لم أره في حياتي في أي انسان وله شخصية تهز من أمامه .. وقال لي اجلس ياحسن .. فجلست وقلت له : خير يا ريس .. فقال لي خير ياحسن ثم سألني :

لو موظف كبير في الدولة أراد أن يعمل سلفة ( قرض ) من البنك ايه هي الاجراءات ؟ فقلت له ياريس مين ده الموظف اللي سيادتك جايبني هنا وبتوصي عليه شخصيا أكيد شخص يهمك ؟ ففوجئت به يقول : أنا .!!! قلت له سيادتك ياريس ؟ فقال لي : أيوه مش أنا موظف في الدولة وباخد 500 جنيه مرتب .. المهم رديت عليه : حاضر ياريس ، وحسبت له القرض طلع 7200 جنيه فقال لي بس أنا عاوز 10000 جنيه علشان هاجوز بنتي وفيه أشياء أخرى تحتاجها عائلتي .. فقلت له ممكن لما يبقى الشخص مضمون نرفع مبلغ القرض ، وسيادتك رئيس الجمهورية . وطلبت من جمال عبد الناصر صورة البطاقة العائلية واستمارة طلب قرض موقع منه فأمر عبد الناصر باحضار المطلوب من السكرتارية ثم وقع علي استمارة طلب القرض شخصيا ،

فأخذت الأوراق وانصرفت . وذهبت للبنك وثاني يوم عند الظهر كانت الفلوس جاهزة وتوجهت بهم لمكتب سامي شرف . جلست لحظات في مكتبه فوجدت المشير عبد الحكيم عامر قادم وكان يعرفني شخصيا ثم قال لي : حسن زكي ؟ بتعمل ايه هنا ؟ فاضطررت اقول له القصة باختصار . فهاج عامر وقال لي : ناصر يستلف !! ده أنا عندي ميزانية في الجيش مفتوحة أعطيه منها ما يريد ، ودخل عامر لعبد الناصر وأنا واقف أنتظر مايسفر عنه لقاءهما ، فوجدت عبد الناصر ينظر من فتحة الباب وأشار لي وقال : تعالى ياحسن .. ووضح أنه رفض عرض عامر له . فدخلت وأعطيته المبلغ ومعي استمارة استلام النقدية أخذها مني ووقع عليها وسط ذهول عبد الحكيم عامر . وانصرفت بعد أن شكرني كثيرا ..

هذا هو عبد الناصر الشريف المخلص . تخيلوا رئيس الجمهورية يستلف مبلغ علشان يجهز عفش بنته !!!! وتحت يديه أموال الدولة كلها ولكنه كان رئيسا شريفا وأمينا ومخلصا لبلده ..

واستكمالا للقصة وبعد حوالي شهرين كان جمال عبد الناصر يشكل الوزارة فوجدت مكتبه يتصل بي : احضر لمقابلة الرئيس وذهبت .. فقابلني جمال عبد الناصر وقال لي أنا مرشحك وزيرا للمالية ايه رأيك ؟ فقلت له بس ياريس أنا عندي 40 سنة يعني لسه سني صغير فقال لي : انت ممتاز يا حسن وقد سمعت عنك كل خير وانا مبسوط منك من يوم القرض فأنت سمعت كلامي ونفذته مباشرة ولم تعرض عليا حلولا أخرى فأخذت عنك انطباع انك انسان جاد ومخلص وشايف شغلك ، وأنا عاوز واحد شايف شغله علشان يظبط لي الميزانية ..

وفعلا في أول سنة عملت وزير مالية فيها حققت الميزانية فائض 35 مليون جنيه وكان مبلغ كبير أيامها . رحم الله الزعيم خالد الذكر جمال عبد الناصر .

رواها السيد/حسن عباس زكي ..وزير المالية في عهد جمال عبد الناصر

Notes and tidbits posted on FB and Twitter. Part 126

Note 1: I take notes of books I read and comment on events and edit sentences that fit my style. The page is long and growing like crazy, and the sections I post contains months-old events that are worth refreshing your memory.

The Jewish Charles Netter was wondering why the Reformist Jews (mostly French at the time) were opting for the Oriental Jews to immigrate to America.  He traveled to Istanbul to negotiate the settlement of a land in Palestine carrying over 100,000 francs that was supplied by the French banker Salomon Goldschmidt (president of UIA)

Bees are the messengers of love for flowers

Soldiers were aware that the war movies were all propaganda, the message was discredited and deemed hollow before the movie rolled and the message was dismissed. Nine weeks later, the statistics changed and reverted to supporting war activities.

Aimer passionement sans etre paye’ de retour est un mal de mer en bateau: on se sent mourir mais qui fait rire le monde autour de nous

L’Eglise, les Enfants, la Cuisine (Kirche, Kinder, Kuche), les 3 K du programme Allemand pour les femmes, until recently.

Des corps disparus, en poussiere. Le vif de leur desir, le vrai de leur ardeur: pulverises. Je prefere contempler ses tableaux, lire ses oeuvres.

The Sleeper Effect of our memory: the source of the argument fades faster than the argument or the message. And the message (war is necessary and noble) fades much slowly (or even endure) than the propaganda itself

Campaign Ads should be restricted to the period of a single month before the campaign start and be banned later on during the campaign: minimize the devastating propaganda message that lingers way longer than we think.

Before you read an article, you need to ask this question: Who benefit? Cui bono? is a great training behavior to refine what you read.

The Egyptian must assimilate that Al Arish is closest to the Zionist State and its terror tactics. Egypt must side-track the military arrangement with Israel and let its army loose in all the Sinai and the ports of Red Sea. 

There is huge confusion and contentions out of subject matter between abstract belief concepts in religion and the context of the belief system.  No wonder that Christianity generates as many splits as abstraction can sustain.


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

October 2020
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