Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘intifada

Tidbits and notes. Part 294

The masses were standing in circles and big rosy pig grunting in pain in the middle. The masses were pretty happy and hysterically laughing: They had this golden urban opportunity to hurting the pig, twisting his ears, encouraging a little dog to mount the pig and bite it…

What of this famous author Montaigne who sent his wife a letter on the occasion of the death of her newborn:

“Don’t worry dear woman…Things will work out in life, eventually…I just finished reading a letter that another famous author wrote to his wife on a similar occasion…Read this attached letter over and over, and disseminate the content to our friends and acquaintances… I feel pretty serene right now…”

Pour calmer un enfant, beaucoup de parents recourent a des supertitions et legendes imbeciles. Tous ces croquemitaines… locales font naitre dans un psychism fragile des complexes penibles

Est-ce-que les enfants ont une capacite’ elevee’ pour accueillir sans effort dans leurs reves les fantastiques superstitions locales? Ce serait un facteur majeur dans la structure ideosycratique d’une communaute’.

Dr. Baryton stayed away from any physical health intervention. He used to tell me: “Science and life form a destructive mixture. Any question you formulate to the condition of your body is a sure gap that thickness will sneak in…Any beginning of worry, obsession… is ground to let sickness in…What is already known is way enough for me to handle…”

Another round of Ponzi schemes are in total swing with Lebanese banks: Offering up of 10% interest rates for fixed deposits. During late Rafic Hariri, the Future movement leaders received up to 30% interest rates and all the foreign loans  were meant to cover up this mafia drainage. Nothing of the over $100 bn loans ever were invested for productive enterprises.

From 1999 to 2013, Native Americans were killed by law enforcement at nearly identical rates as Black Americans, tying them for the most at-risk populations in this respect.

There is a deep seated belief in each person that, at one moment in his life, he should receive the Grace and earned it.

Compassion must be shared and be spread around.

Les brigants sont bien habilles, leur violence a des allures de respectabilite’. Cette violence chic, parfumee’, une violence de trois-pieces

The darkest corner in Hell is reserved for those who decided to remain neutral during period of major moral upheaval. This corner is vast enough to accommodate the Silent Majorities around the globe

This morning I got the scare of my life. For the first time, setting up in bed made me totally dizzy and a head weighting a ton. Automatically, my head slammed the pillows. A minute later, I tried to ease myself out by dangling my feet first and I got dizzy again. The third attempt was much better. From now on, don’t ask me to rush doing anything: I’ll enjoy a much slower pace and movement in my retirement.

France has shed the last leaf in fooling the people in the Middle-East that it means safeguarding human rights and dignity. France has  decided to retain its military forces in North-East Syria as it did since 2011, and refuses to confirm that the Palestinians have rights to resist occupation. And keeps selling weapons to Saudi Kingdom and fighting in Yemen. Along with USA and England, France is a rogue colonial power.

Withdrawing his troops from Syria is the right decision to confront the interest of the Pentagon in resuming wars that has No profit politically or economically. Letting Syria defeat ISIS is definitely defeating the terrorist factions that Hillary/Obama created and supported

London’s Gatwick shut down because of 2 drones flying over and were Not yet tracked down: They grounded more than 100,000 passengers this week.

US stopgap funding bill with $5 billion for Trump’s border Wall was Not passed by the Senate. Good news, this include Not funding the Department of Homeland Security.

Japan emulating Israel tactics: Carlos Ghosn re-arrested after being released

Trump tactics is blackmailing in order to get what he wants: Either the Senate includes in the budget the $5 bn for the Mexican Wall or he will save from withdrawing troops from Syria and Afghanistan. 

It is the European colonial powers that are benefiting from all the US pre-emptive wars around the world. The moment the US comes to its senses, it is China that will benefit: An alternative that EU won’t digest.

The Black Stone (Ka3ba in Mecca) enshrined about 360 idols brought from around the neighboring civilizations to entice pilgrims in from all around the regions of Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and India. Idol Allah was the chief among them, with No practical profession, and thus failed to generate profit to owner.

The Phoenicians built the City-State of Thebes in Greece, 3 centuries before Athens existed. This famous city generated the illustrious Amphion, Hesiod, Corinna, Pindar, Epaminondas, Plutarch…

Idol Allah in Mecca could not compete with the other practical idols to generate wealth to the clan owner.
Allah of Islam destroyed the other idols and retained the monopoly

Consequent to that ransacking of Rome, most artists and learned spirit immigrated to various regions in Europe.
The new printing discovery played as a catalyst for the Luther reformists and the dispersed artists allowed the Renaissance to spread in Europe.

Those who fled Mecca with Muhammad to Yathreb had no land or properties in their new location.
Razzia in the name of spreading the Message was a lucrative business

Les peuples ont elaborés des rituels et des traditions et puis ils ont crées et institués leurs Dieux pour unifier, protéger et devenir l’idol de la communauté.  Et puis, Ils choisirent de ne plus reflechir and s’ ouvrire a d’autre choix

The USA wisest policy is make peace with Russia and invest in that venue.

The wolf you feed wins: The wolf of Evil or the Wolf of good deed

Hezbollah is feeling the heat of a serious targeting by the USA and Israel. The response is to eliminated any faked impression to them that Saudi Kingdom has any sizeable control over Lebanon new political orientation. 

Treasury secretary Mnuchin called the CEOs of six major banks over the weekend to confirm they have “ample liquidity,” in a bid to reassure markets . They’ll to discuss “coordination efforts to assure normal market operations” experiencing continued volatility.

A Nobel laureate says what we really want is satisfaction, which is entirely distinct from happiness.

American museums are failing at diversity:  more than three-quarters of artists they featured are white men.

The veil was used by nobility in all civilizations. Hard working women could Not suffer a veil.

New Muslim converts who fled Mecca to Yathreb (Al Madina) made sure their women wore the veil to discriminate against the local families who worked the land (even if these women were Not from the noble class in Mecca).
As the local women gained status and didn’t have to work the land, they jumped on the band wagon.

I’m ashamed to die until I have won some victory for humanity (Horace Mann). And what could be a victory for humanity that is Not available to animal species? Right to read and write?

Trump is emulating France mandated power over Syria in 1918: Turkey Erdogan, you may have 75,000 sq.km of Syria land, in addition to the 175,000 sq.km that France gave away in 1923.

The one difference is that between 1918-40, Syrians confronted France mandated power with no weapons and No allies. Current Syria has the most battled experienced army and quality weapons and is supported by highly experienced resistance forces. If Russia decides a “No fly zone” over East Euphrates, Turkey will have to withdraw and forget about the oil reserves and fertile lands and water.

Is it true that 120 million Native American were exterminated to create the white USA?

 

المقاومة الفلسطينية

by mohammadhamdan64

The Palestinians in cities did fight back in 1948 after the genocide committed by the 3 Zionist terrorist factions. The British mandated power made sure the Palestinians be under-armed and un-organized after suppressing their first Intifada of 1936 for 3 years

صورة تنشر لاول مرة تظهر مجاهدين يدافعون عن البلدة القديمة في القدس عام 1948م، وهي جزء من ألبوم نهبه احد عناصر تنظيم “الارغون”، الصيهوني الارهابي وكشف عن وجوده مؤخراً.

To create State of Israel, Zionist forces attacked major Palestinian cities & destroyed between 500 to 600 villages. Approximately 13,000 Palestinians were killed in 1948, with more than 750,000 expelled from their homes & became refugees. .

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In my Palestinian grandfather’s story, I find reasons to endure

Like all refugees, Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub left the world unmourned.

His memories rent from the land that made them. But his story, like Palestine’s itself, will matter well beyond the next negotiation. No empire, no flag, or sovereign can change that.

Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub with his family. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub with his family. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

The Government of Palestine’s Directorate of Education, from its Samaria branch in Nablus, informed Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub that his teaching duties had been re-assigned on December 8, 1936.

The 35-year-old had 11 days to report to a new school in Deir el-Ghusoun, a village that, according to a 1931 British census, was home to some 450 households, all of them Muslim.

It was in this boys-only school that the third eldest of my five aunts learned to read and write.

While the other village parents kept their young daughters at home, my Palestinian grandfather, the teacher from Samaria, sat his at the classroom’s helm, where the lords of the British Empire held no rein.

In this post-peace era, palls cast over our long negotiation with Israel, these little histories can seem too quaint.

After all, with so many threats against our identity, so many of our people stripped of agency, we Palestinians must spar with an awful present. But in this fight, our family chronicles make for more than wistful conversation. They give us more reasons to endure.

I was reminded of this while scrolling through an archive of my grandfather’s papers, struggling to draw some perspective from the rush of eulogies for Oslo’s ninth life.

What I discovered — in his Ottoman birth certificate, his British teaching credentials, his various letters from this or that Jordanian directorate — was evidence of a life more resolute than the three sovereigns that defined it.

A letter addressed to Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub from the Deir Ballut District British Inspector. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

A letter addressed to Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub from the Deir Ballut District British Inspector. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

Ahmad was born in 1901 to Al-Haj Mustafa Ayoub, a Sufi poet from the village of Majdal Sadeq and was a subject of the vast and waning Ottoman Empire, which had by then ruled Palestine for some 400 years.

When his son was barely out of infancy, Ayoub (Arabic for “Job” the prophet) moved his family to Shweikeh, just outside the northern Palestinian town of Tulkarem. There, Ahmad completed his early schooling before enrolling in Jerusalem’s Rashidiya School.

According to a biography written by another of his grandsons, the day of Ahmad’s departure was a festive one, with neighbors and their children gathering to see the young pupil off. Back then, it seems, it was a sight to behold: a village boy bound for Jerusalem, where only a select few attended its finest institutions.

Rashidiya counts among its alumni the Palestinian nationalist poet Ibrahim Touqan, whose signature work from the 1936 “Arab” Revolt or Palestinian Intifada, (Civil disobedience that lasted 3 years and Britain had to dispatch 100,000 troop to control it) the longest sustained nationalist Palestinian uprising against British Mandatory control, eventually became the lyric to Iraq’s national anthem.

Although Ahmad completed his higher-level teaching certificate there, a British administrator ordered him back to the plains of Tulkarem, where he was to open new schools in the then-distant villages of northern Palestine.

And so he did. In nearly four decades of service to the Palestine he knew, my grandfather helped rear two generations of would-be citizens.

To this day, some of his pupils from that era, all septuagenarians themselves, will recall how ustaz (teacher) Ahmad used to strike fear in the hearts of this or that peer, dissuading others who might foolishly be inclined to mischief.

I knew Sido (grandfather) as terse and forceful, too, but I found these qualities reassuring, like the relentless rhythms of a tightly formed qasidah (poem).

In a devastating elegy to his “suffocated generation,” the Damascene poet Nizar Qabbani counsels the children of the “Arab” nation: “You don’t win a war with a reed and a flute.”

But my grandfather, like so many of his comrades from the time, fought a different kind of war. He outlived Britain’s reign and the Ottomans’ before it, and when he retired, his end-of-service certificate, dated June 19, 1961, came stamped by the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan’s Directorate of Education. In Nablus.

Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub and his wife, 1981. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub and his wife, 1981. (Courtesy of Samer Badawi)

The last time I saw Sido, he was sitting on the edge of a bed in the basement of my aunt’s home in Amman. The day marked nothing in particular — no anniversary, no celebration, no birth or death.

Yet there he was, ever the school teacher, his kuffiyeh draped over a black suit jacket, now loose over an atrophied frame.

“May I enter, Sido?” I asked in my timid Arabic. He acknowledged my presence, without saying a word, and I walked in to sit beside him. There, seven decades between us, we sat shoulder to shoulder and let the silence have its say.

He would die soon after, at the age of 92, just as Bill Clinton’s “peace” ushered in a new era of displacement and loss.

Like all refugees, Ahmad Badawi Mustafa Ayoub left the world unmoorned, his memories rent from the land that made them. But his story, like Palestine’s itself, will matter well beyond the next negotiation.

No empire, no flag, or sovereign can change that.

Related stories

How Israel bypassed the signed Oslo Accord as if it didn’t ever existed?

By Jonathan Cook September 13, 2018

There will be no anniversary celebrations this week to mark the signing of the Oslo Accords in Washington 25 years ago. It is a silver jubilee for which there will be no street parties, no commemorative mugs, no specially minted coins.

Oslo never died. It is still doing today exactly what it was set up to do

Diana Buttu, Palestinian lawyer and former Palestinian Authority PA adviser

Palestinians have all but ignored the landmark anniversary, while Israel’s commemoration has amounted to little more than a handful of doleful articles in the Israeli press about what went wrong.

The most significant event has been a documentary, The Oslo Diaries, aired on Israeli TV and scheduled for broadcast in the US this week. It charts the events surrounding the creation of the peace accords, signed by Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in Washington on 13 September 1993 (And Clinton?).

The euphoria generated by the Norwegian-initiated peace process a quarter of a century ago now seems wildly misplaced to most observers. The promised, phased withdrawals by Israel from the occupied Palestinian territories got stuck at an early stage.

And the powers of the Palestinian Authority, a Palestinian government-in-waiting that came out of Oslo, never rose above managing healthcare and collecting garbage in densely populated Palestinian areas, while coordinating with Israel on security matters.

All the current efforts to draw lessons from these developments have reached the same conclusion: that Oslo was a missed opportunity for peace, that the accords were never properly implemented, and that the negotiations were killed off by Palestinian and Israeli extremists (Mostly Israel since Arafat was in total control of the Palestinian Liberation Organization).

Occupation reorganised

But analysts Middle East Eye has spoken to take a very different view.

“It is wrong to think of Oslo being derailed, or trying to identify the moment the Oslo process died,” says Diana Buttu, a Palestinian lawyer and former adviser to the Palestinian Authority. “Oslo never died. It is still doing today exactly what it was set up to do.”

Michel Warschawski, an Israeli peace activist who developed strong ties with Palestinian leaders in the Oslo years, concurred.

“I , and pretty much everyone else I knew at that time , was taken in by the hype that the occupation was about to end. But in reality, Oslo was about re-organising the occupation, not ending it. It created a new division of labour.

Palestine, Israel and the Oslo Accords: What you need to know

“Rabin didn’t care much about whether the Palestinians got some indicators of sovereignty – a flag and maybe even a seat at the United Nations.

“But Israel was determined to continue controlling the borders, the Palestinians’ resources, the Palestinian economy. Oslo changed the division of labour by sub-contracting the hard part of Israel’s security to the Palestinians themselves.”

The accords were signed in the immediate aftermath of several years of a Palestinian uprising in the occupied territories – the First Intifada – that had proved costly to Israel, both in terms of casualties and treasure.

(Actually, that was the second intifada. the first one occurred in 1935 during the British mandated period and lasted 3 years. England had to dispatch 100,000 troops to quell this mass civil disobedience. The Palestinians wanted municipal elections and England refused them this right on account that the Jews were minority, about 20%)

Under Oslo, Palestinian security forces patrolled the streets of Palestinian cities, overseen by and in close coordination with the Israeli military. The tab, meanwhile, was picked up by Europe and Washington.

In an interview with the Haaretz newspaper last week, Joel Singer, the Israeli government lawyer who helped to draft the accords, conceded as much. Rabin, he said, “thought it would enhance [Israeli] security to have the Palestinians as the ones fighting Hamas”.

That way, as Rabin once observed, the occupation would no longer be accountable to the “bleeding hearts” of the Israeli supreme court and Israel’s active human rights community.

Less than statehood

The widespread assumption that Oslo would lead to a Palestinian state was also mistaken, Buttu says.

She notes that nowhere in the accords was there mention of the occupation, a Palestinian state, or freedom for the Palestinians. And no action was specified against Israel’s illegal settlements – the chief obstacle to Palestinian statehood.

Instead, the stated goal of the Oslo process was implementation of two outstanding United Nations resolutions – 242 and 338. The first concerned the withdrawal of the Israeli army from “territories” occupied in the 1967 war, while the second urged negotiations leading to a “just and durable peace”.

“I spoke to both Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas [his successor as Palestinian president] about this,” said Buttu. “Their view was that clearer language, on Palestinian statehood and independence, would never have got past Rabin’s coalition.

“So Arafat treated resolutions 242 and 338 as code words. The Palestinian leadership referred to Oslo as a ‘gentlemen’s agreement’. Their approach was beyond naïve; it was reckless. They behaved like amateurs.”

Asad Ghanem, a politics professor at Haifa University and expert on Palestinian nationalism, said the Palestinian leadership was aware from the outset that Israel was not offering real statehood.

“In his memoirs, Ahmed Qurei [one of the key architects of Oslo on the Palestinian side] admitted his shock when he started meetings with the Israeli team,” says Ghanem.

“Uri Savir [Israel’s chief negotiator] said outright that Israel did not favour a Palestinian state, and that something less was being offered. The Israelis’ attitude was ‘Take it or leave it’.

Sympathy with settlers

All the analysts agreed that a lack of good faith on Israel’s part was starkly evident from the start, especially over the issue of the settlements.

Noticeably, rather than halt or reverse the expansion of the settlements during the supposed five-year transition period, Oslo allowed the settler population to grow at a dramatically accelerated rate.

The near-doubling of settler numbers in the West Bank and Gaza to 200,000 by the late 1990s was explained by Alan Baker, a legal adviser to Israel’s foreign ministry after 1996 and a settler himself, in an interview in 2003.

Most of the settlements were portrayed to the Israeli public as Israeli “blocs”, outside the control of the newly created PA.

With the signing of the accords, Baker said, “we are no longer an occupying power, but we are instead present in the territories with their [the Palestinians’] consent and subject to the outcome of negotiations.”

Recent interviews with settler leaders by Haaretz hint too at the ideological sympathy between Rabin’s supposedly leftist government and the settler movement.

Settlers demonstrate in November 1993 against Oslo (AFP)

Israel Harel, who then headed the Yesha Council, the settlers’ governing body, described Rabin as “very accessible”. He pointed out that Zeev Hever, another settler leader, sat with Israeli military planners as they created an “Oslo map”, carving up the West Bank into various areas of control.

Referring to settlements that most had assumed would be dismantled under the accords, Harel noted: “When [Hever] was accused [by other settlers] of cooperating, he would say he saved us from disaster. They [the Israeli army] marked areas that could have isolated settlements and made them disappear.”

Israel’s Oslo lawyer, Joel Singer, confirmed the Israeli leadership’s reluctance to address the issue of the settlements.

“We fought with the Palestinians, on Rabin and [Shimon] Peres’ orders, against a [settlement] freeze,” he told Haaretz. “It was a serious mistake to permit the settlements to continue to race ahead.”

Rabin’s refusal to act

Neve Gordon, a politics professor at Ben Gurion University in Israel’s south, says the critical test of Rabin’s will to tackle the settlements came less than a year into the Oslo process. It was then that Baruch Goldstein, a settler, killed and wounded more than 150 Palestinians at worship in the Palestinian city of Hebron.

“That gave Rabin the chance to remove the 400 extremist settlers who were embedded in the centre of Hebron,” Gordon told MEE. “But he didn’t act. He let them stay.”

Palestinians carry the bodies of dead worshippers killed by Baruch Goldstein in Hebron (AFP)

The lack of response from Israel fuelled a campaign of Hamas “revenge” suicide bombings that in turn were used by Israel to justify a refusal to withdraw from more of the occupied territories.

Warschawski says Rabin could have dismantled the settlements if he had acted quickly. “The settlers were in disarray in the early stages of Oslo, but he didn’t move against them.”

After Rabin’s assassination in late 1995, his successor Shimon Peres, also widely identified as an architect of the Oslo process, changed tactics, according to Warschawski. “Peres preferred to emphasise internal reconciliation [between Israelis], rather than reconciliation with the Palestinians. After that, the religious narrative of the extremist settlers came to dominate.”

That would lead a few months later to the electoral triumph of the right under Benjamin Netanyahu.

The demographic differential

Although Netanyahu campaigned vociferously against the Oslo Accords, they proved perfect for his kind of rejectionist politics, says Gordon.

Under cover of vague promises about Palestinian statehood, “Israel was able to bolster the settlement project,” in Gordon’s view. “The statistics show that, when there are negotiations, the demographic growth of the settler population in the West Bank increases. The settlements get rapidly bigger. And when there is an intifada, they slow down.

“So Oslo was ideal for Israel’s colonial project.”

It was not only that, under the pressure of Oslo, religious settlers ran to “grab the hilltops”, as a famous army general and later prime minister, Ariel Sharon, put it. Gordon pointed to a strategy by the government of recruiting a new type of settler during the initial Oslo years.

In the early 1990s, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Sharon and others had tried to locate Russian-speaking new immigrants in large settlements like Ariel, in the central West Bank. “The problem was that many of the Russians had only one child,” says Gordon.

Israel was able to bolster the settlement project… Oslo was ideal for Israel’s colonial project

– Neve Gordon, politics professor at Ben Gurion University

So instead, Israel began moving the ultra-Orthodox into the occupied territories. These fundamentalist religious Jews, Israel’s poorest community, typically have seven or eight children. They were desperate for housing solutions, noted Gordon, and the government readily provided incentives to lure them into two new ultra-Orthodox settlements, Modiin Ilit and Beitar Illit.

“After that, Israel didn’t need to recruit lots of new settlers,” Gordon says. “It just needed to buy time with the Oslo process and the settler population would grow of its own accord.

“The ultra-Orthodox became Israel’s chief demographic weapon. In the West Bank, Jewish settlers have on average two more children than Palestinians – that demographic differential has an enormous impact over time.”

Palestinian dependency

Buttu pointed to another indicator of how Israel never intended the Oslo Accords to lead to a Palestinian state. Shortly before Oslo, from 1991 onwards, Israel introduced much more severe restrictions on movement, including an increasingly sophisticated permit system.

“Movement from Gaza to the West Bank became possible only in essential cases,” she says. “It stopped being a right.”

That process, Ghanem noted, has been entrenched over the past quarter century, and ultimately led to a complete physical and ideological separation between Gaza and the West Bank, now ruled respectively by Hamas and Abbas’s Fatah.

Gordon observed that Oslo’s economic arrangements, governed by the 1995 Paris Protocol, stripped the Palestinians of financial autonomy too.

“The Palestinians did not get their own currency, they had to use the Israeli shekel. And a customs union made the Palestinians a dependent market for Israeli goods and empowered Israel to collect import duties on behalf of the PA. Refusing to transfer that money was a stick Israel has regularly wielded against the Palestinians.”

According to the analysts, those Palestinian leaders like Arafat who were allowed by the Oslo process to return from exile in Tunisia – sometimes referred to as the “outsiders” – were completely ignorant of the situation on the ground.

On 12 September 1993, Yasser Arafat leaves Tunis for Oslo signing ceremony in Washington, DC (AFP)

Gordon, who was at that time head of Israel’s branch of Physicians for Human Rights, recalled meeting young Palestinian-Americans and Canadians in Cairo to discuss the coming health arrangements the PA would be responsible for.

“They were bright and well-educated, but they were clueless about what was happening on the ground. They had no idea what demands to make of Israel,” he says.

“Israel, on the other hand, had experts who knew the situation intimately.”

Warschawski has similar recollections. He took a senior Palestinian recently arrived from Tunis on a tour of the settlements. The official sat in his car in stunned silence for the whole journey.

“They knew the numbers but they had no idea how deeply entrenched the settlements were, how integrated they were into Israeli society,” he says. “It was then that they started to understand the logic of the settlements for the first time, and appreciate what Israel’s real intentions were.”

Lured into a trap

Warschawski noted that the only person in his circle who rejected the hype around the Oslo Accords from the very beginning was Matti Peled, a general turned peace activist who knew Rabin well.

“When we met for discussions about the Oslo Accords, Matti laughed at us. He said there would be no Oslo, there would be no process that would lead to peace.”

They couldn’t move forward towards statehood because Israel blocked their way. But equally, they couldn’t back away from the peace process either

– Asad Ghanem, politics professor at Haifa University

Ghanem says the Palestinian leadership eventually realised that they had been lured into a trap.

“They couldn’t move forward towards statehood, because Israel blocked their way,” he says. “But equally, they couldn’t back away from the peace process either. They didn’t dare dismantle the PA, and so Israel came to control Palestinian politics.

“If Abbas leaves, someone else will take over the PA and its role will continue.”

Why did the Palestinian leadership enter the Oslo process without taking greater precautions?

According to Buttu, Arafat had reasons to feel insecure about being outside Palestine, along with other PLO leaders living in exile in Tunisia, in ways that he hoped Oslo would solve.

“He wanted a foot back in Palestine,” she says. “He felt very threatened by the ‘inside’ leadership, even though they were loyal to him. The First Intifada had shown they could lead an uprising and mobilise the people without him.

“He also craved international recognition and legitimacy.”

Trench warfare

According to Gordon, Arafat believed he would eventually be able to win concessions from Israel.

“He viewed it as trench warfare. Once he was in historic Palestine, he would move forward trench by trench.”

Warschawski noted that Arafat and other Palestinian leaders had told him they believed they would have significant leverage over Israel.

“Their view was that Israel would end the occupation in exchange for normalisation with the Arab world. Arafat saw himself as the bridge that would provide the recognition Israel wanted. His attitude was that Rabin would have to kiss his hand in return for such an important achievement.

“He was wrong.”

Yasser Arafat and Yitzahk Rabin shake hands for the first time at the Oslo signing ceremony on 13 September 1993 (AFP)

Gordon pointed to the early Oslo discourse about an economic dividend, in which it was assumed that peace would open up trade for Israel with the Arab world while turning Gaza into the Singapore of the Middle East.

The “peace dividend”, however, was challenged by an equally appealing “war dividend”.

“Even before 9/11, Israel’s expertise in the realms of security and technology proved profitable. Israel realised there was lots of money to be made in fighting terror.”

In fact, Israel managed to take advantage of both the peace and war dividends.

Thanks to Oslo, Israel became normalised in the region, while paradoxically the Palestinians found themselves transformed into the foreign object

– Diana Buttu, Palestinian lawyer and former PA adviser

Buttu noted that more than 30 countries, including Morocco and Oman, developed diplomatic or economic relations with Israel as a result of the Oslo Accords. The Arab states relented on their boycott and anti-normalisation policies, and major foreign corporations no longer feared being penalised by the Arab world for trading with Israel.

“Israel’s peace treaty with Jordan [in 1994] could never have happened without Oslo,” she says.

“Instead of clear denunciations of the occupation, the Palestinians were saddled with the language of negotiations and compromises for peace.

“The Palestinians became a charity case, seeking handouts from the Arab world so that the PA could help with the maintenance of the occupation rather than leading the resistance.

“Thanks to Oslo, Israel became normalised in the region, while paradoxically the Palestinians found themselves transformed into the foreign object.”

This article is available in French on Middle East Eye French edition.

Part 9. Ten Myths on Israel: Not how a “Democratic State” behave (by Ian Pappe)

No, Israel Is Not a Democracy

Destroying Palestinians’ Houses Is Not Democratic

Imprisoning Palestinians Without Trial Is Not Democratic (A mandated British law of administrative detention applied by Israel since its inception)

By lan Pappe

From Ten Myths About Israel, out now from Verso Books.

June 12, 2018 “Information Clearing House” –  Israel is not the only democracy in the Middle East. In fact, it’s not a democracy at all.

In the eyes of many Israelis and their supporters worldwide — even those who might criticize some of its policies — Israel is, at the end of the day, a benign democratic state, seeking peace with its neighbors, and guaranteeing equality to all its citizens.

Those who do criticize Israel assume that, if anything went wrong in this democracy, then it was due to the 1967 war.

Imprisoning Palestinians Without Trial Is Not Democratic

Another feature of the “enlightened occupation” is imprisonment without trial. Every fifth Palestinian in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip has undergone such an experience.

(Actually 60% of youths have gone through this humiliating revolving prison door. As most Black people in the USA can testify to this apartheid treatment)

It is interesting to compare this Israeli practice with similar American policies in the past and the present, as critics of the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement claim that US practices are far worse.

In fact, the worst American example was the imprisonment without trial of one hundred thousand Japanese citizens during World War II, with thirty thousand later detained under the so-called “war on terror.

(In Israel, it is a systematic practice. Every night, a dozen Palestinian youths are hoarded out of their bed)

Neither of these numbers comes even close to the number of Palestinians who have experienced such a process: including the very young, the old, as well as the long-term incarcerated.

Arrest without trial is a traumatic experience.

Not knowing the charges against you, having no contact with a lawyer and hardly any contact with your family are only some of the concerns that will affect you as a prisoner.

More brutally, many of these arrests are used as means to pressure people into collaboration.

Spreading rumors or shaming people for their alleged or real sexual orientation are also frequently used as methods for leveraging complicity.

As for torture, the reliable website Middle East Monitor published a harrowing article describing the 200 methods used by the Israelis to torture Palestinians. The list is based on a UN report and a report from the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem.

Among other methods it includes beatings, chaining prisoners to doors or chairs for hours, pouring cold and hot water on them, pulling fingers apart, and twisting testicles.

(Actually, the majority of these torture techniques were borrowed from the British mandated power that applied them during the first Palestinian civil disobedience (Intifada) in 1935 and that lasted 3 years. The Palestinians have been demanding democratic elections in municipalities. Britain had to dispatch 100,000 troops and enlisted the Jews in that horror campaign)

Part 8. Ten Myths on Israel: Not how a “Democratic State” behave (by Ian Pappe)

No, Israel Is Not a Democracy

Crushing Palestinian Resistance Is Not Democratic

Destroying Palestinians’ Houses Is Not Democratic

Imprisoning Palestinians Without Trial Is Not Democratic

By lan Pappe

From Ten Myths About Israel, out now from Verso Books.

June 12, 2018 “Information Clearing House” –  Israel is not the only democracy in the Middle East. In fact, it’s not a democracy at all.

In the eyes of many Israelis and their supporters worldwide — even those who might criticize some of its policies — Israel is, at the end of the day, a benign democratic state, seeking peace with its neighbors, and guaranteeing equality to all its citizens.

Those who do criticize Israel assume that, if anything went wrong in this democracy, then it was due to the 1967 war.

Crushing Palestinian Resistance Is Not Democratic

Under the “enlightened occupation,” settlers have been allowed to form vigilante gangs to harass people and destroy their property. These gangs have changed their approach over the years.

During the 1980s, they used actual terror — from wounding Palestinian leaders (one of them lost his legs in such an attack), to contemplating blowing up the mosques on Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem.

In this century, they have engaged in the daily harassment of Palestinians: uprooting their trees, destroying their yields, and shooting randomly at their homes and vehicles.

Since 2000, there have been at least 100 such attacks reported per month in some areas such as Hebron, where the five hundred settlers, with the silent collaboration of the Israeli army, harassed the locals living nearby in an even more brutal way.

From the very beginning of the occupation then, the Palestinians were given two options: accept the reality of permanent incarceration in a mega-prison for a very long time, or risk the might of the strongest army in the Middle East.

When the Palestinians did resist — as they did in 1987, 2000, 2006, 2012, 2014, and 2016  (Intifada, civil disobedience)— they were targeted as soldiers and units of a conventional army. Thus, villages and towns were bombed as if they were military bases and the unarmed civilian population was shot at as if it was an army on the battlefield.

Today we know too much about life under occupation, before and after Oslo, to take seriously the claim that nonresistance will ensure less oppression.

The arrests without trial (administrative detention inherited from Britain laws during the mandated period) , as experienced by so many over the years (every night, a dozen Palestinian youths are detained for months) ; the demolition of thousands of houses; the killing and wounding of the innocent; the drainage of water wells — these are all testimony to one of the harshest contemporary regimes of our times.

Amnesty International annually documents in a very comprehensive way the nature of the occupation.

The following is from their 2015 report:

In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Israeli forces committed unlawful killings of Palestinian civilians, including children, and detained thousands of Palestinians who protested against or otherwise opposed Israel’s continuing military occupation, holding hundreds in administrative detention. Torture and other ill-treatment remained rife and were committed with impunity.

The authorities continued to promote illegal settlements in the West Bank, and severely restricted Palestinians’ freedom of movement, further tightening restrictions amid an escalation of violence from October, which included attacks on Israeli civilians by Palestinians and apparent extrajudicial executions by Israeli forces. Israeli settlers in the West Bank attacked Palestinians and their property with virtual impunity.

The Gaza Strip remained under an Israeli military blockade that imposed collective punishment on its inhabitants.

The authorities continued to demolish Palestinian homes in the West Bank and inside Israel, particularly in Bedouin villages in the Negev/Naqab region, forcibly evicting their residents. (Two of these cases are currently under way)

Let’s take this in stages.

Firstly, assassinations — what Amnesty’s report calls “unlawful killings”: about 15,000 Palestinians have been killed “unlawfully” by Israel since 1967. Among them were 2,000 two children.

 

How come the most cultured Syrian Nation failed to stop the successive occupation forces?

Note: The Syrian Nation or Levant (current Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Jordan and the western part of the Euphrates River) are homogeneous people with same language, traditions, customs and high level of education and culture. Most warrior empires , since antiquity, managed to occupy the Levant and transferred its talented people to their countries in order to build a civilization they badly needed.

The flourishing dozen of City-States along the Mediterranean Sea and the major rivers were targeted for looting and trading with them. But all these City-States were autonomous and barely constituted a central power to oppose any invading warrior army. In most cases, these City-States became the most valued cities, after the Capital of the invader.

Damascus became the Capital of the Omayyad dynasty.

Aleppo was the second most important city to the Ottoman Empire.

Beirut was the legislating center for the Roman Empire

Tyr was the administrative center for most of Palestine during the Greek/Seleucid Empire

Byblos was the main trading port for Egypt

The Babylonians, Egyptians, Assyrians, Persia, Greek, Rome, Byzantium, Arab, Crusaders, Mogul, Mameluke, Ottoman and French mandated power, as well as mandated England.

The geography (topography) of the land played a major part for easy invasion of well armed invaders:  Once the mountain ranges on the borders are crossed, there are but plains and open land.

The urban centers didn’t manage to conglomerate into a central State, among a spread and range of various religious sects and minorities, due to successive invasions and settlement of the occupiers with their own customs and culture and language and religious beliefs.

The guerrilla warfare being a modern concept.

Saida withstood 13 years of siege by the Assyrians and won.

Tyr withstood 6 months of Alexander siege and was defeated when the surrounding city-states supplied Alexander with a maritime fleet.

Kamal Nader wants to focus on the recent history, since the Mogul till now, and find out , “scientifically and with facts”, why this Nation failed miserably in opposing occupiers?

Actually, Syria confronted the French mandated power, and the French institutions were taught to hate the Syrian people for their opposition. France gave away to Turkey Syrian lands as vast as current Syria State.

England was confronted by the Palestinians and between 1935-38, the Palestinian waged a civil disobedience (Intifada) movement that forced England to dispatch 100,000 troops to quell the insurrection. Nazi Germany learned the torture techniques adopted by the British on the Palestinians.

Currently, the Lebanese resistance movement forced Israel to retreat from Beirut into the south. And the newly founded Hezbollah forced Israel to withdraw in 2000 from South Lebanon without any pre-conditions. In 2006, Israel was Not even able to enter more than 4 km within Lebanon and had to beg USA to agree on a cease fire, after 33 days of fighting.

Hezbollah and the Lebanese army chased out the Islamic terrorist factions of Daesh and Al Nusra from Lebanon eastern mountain chains.

Currently, The Syrian people and its army managed to defeat ISIS and most terrorist factions, and regained most of its territory. This international war on Syria was checked and the re-conquest is moving ahead.

عندما اقرأ تاريخ بلادنا وارى المجازر وحروب الابادة التي تعرض لها شعب هذه البلاد الحضارية الكريمة ، ازداد اقتناعاً واصراراً على تحقيق نهضتها وبناء قوتها في كل المجالات السياسية والاقتصادية العسكرية والثقافية والاجتماعية ، لأن ذلك يكون الامان والحصن لوجودها ولتقدمها وارتفاع مستوى حياتها .
وفي هذه الفترة من الحروب ومن تذكارات المجازر ارى اننا امام اسئلة مصيرية جديرة بالبحث الجدي والعلمي بناء على منهج بحثي رصين وجاد ، وليس من نوع المقال العاطفي السريع الأثر والسريع الزوال .
هنا اطرح عدداً من الاسئلة :
1. لماذا سقطت بلادنا امام الفتوحات والغزوات منذ المغول الى العثمانيين والى اليوم ؟
2. ما هي الصلة بين العثمانيين والمغول ؟
3 . اذا كنا قد فوجئنا بالغزوة الاولى المغولية سنة 1258 فلماذا لم نستعد لما جاء بعدها من غزوتين مدمرتين ، ولماذا استطاع المماليك هزم المغول في عين جالوت بينما الامة السورية لم تشكل اي مقاومة في وجه المغول ؟
4. لماذا جاء الصليبيون الى بلادنا ودخلوها بسهولة قبل المغول ؟
5.عندما قام والي مصر محمد علي باشا بالانفصال عن السلطنة العثمانية ودعمته فرنسا بالسلاح الحديث وارسل حملةً بقيادة ابنه ابراهيم باشا الى بلادنا فهزمت العثمانيين وطردتهم من سنة 1829 الى سنة 1840 ، كيف تصرف ابناء الامة السورية تجاه هذا الصراع ؟
6. وصلت الحملة المصرية الى تركيا وكادت تسقط الآستانة سنة 1839 بعد معركة “قونية ” حيث قتل الصدر الاعظم محمد رشيد باشا ، لماذا توقفت الحملة ولم تسقط السلطنة ؟
7.تدخلت الدول الاوروبية الكبرى ، بريطانيا وبروسيا والنمسا وروسيا واجبرت ابراهيم باشا على التراجع عن اسية الصغرى وعن سورية بعد معاهدة لندن ، واعادت احياء تركيا المريضة والمتهالكة ، فارتد الجيش العثماني علينا وانتقم منا بمجازر حصلت سنة 1840 و43 و1860 وشملت جبل لبنان ودمشق والجبال الساحلية ، فلماذا تركناهم يعملون فينا سيوفهم ولم نقاومهم ؟
8.قتلت تركيا اكثر من 3 ملايين سوري بين ارمني وسرياني واشوري وارثوذكسي ، فلماذا لم يقاوم هؤلاء ؟ ولو ان عشرة بالمئة منهم شكلوا مقاومة لما كانت المجازر تحصد هذا العدد الكبير والمذهل .كما ان اهل جبل لبنان لم يسلموا من الابادة بطريقة الحصار والمجاعة على يد جمال باشا السفاح والسفر برلك خلال الحرب العالمية الاولى .
9. لماذا لم تتدخل روسيا وارمينيا وفرنسا لوقف هذه المجازر ؟
10. اين هم ابناء هذه الامة احفاد ضحايا المجازر من حركة النهضة والمقاومة ولماذا تقتصر المقاومة على شرائح معينة بينما الآخرون يهاجرون او يتفرجون ؟
11. الغزوة الاسرائيلية الاطلسية كررت فصول المجازر والقتل اليومي وها هم العرب يدعمونها بينما ايران الفارسية الاسلامية تدعم المقاومة في لبنان وسورية عموماً والارض المحتلة فما هوسبب الفارق بين الموقف العربي والموقف الايراني والروسي ؟

اعود الى القول اننا بحاجة الى مؤتمر لدرس هذا التاريخ بمنهج علمي وبناء على المعرفة والوقائع وليس على العواطف قهل من يسعى الى تنظيم هكذا عمل كبير وعلمي ومهم ؟

ملاحظة : الرجاء من الاصدقاء على الصفحات ان يلتزموا المنهج العلمي والتأريخي في الردود والتعليقات .

Settler fined for clubbing Arab boy to death

A Jewish settler who clubbed a Palestinian child to death with a rifle butt was sentenced to 6 months’ community service yesterday in a decision denounced as an outrage by human rights organisations.

The Jerusalem district court said it decided not to jail Nachum Korman for the killing of 11-year-old Hilmi Shusha four years ago because he had only been convicted of manslaughter by negligence, and had served eight months in prison. It fined him 70,000 shekels (about £11,600).

The sentence handed down by the Jerusalem district court yesterday is especially suspect because it was determined by the same judge, Ruth Or, who acquitted Korman at his original trial after rejecting evidence from witnesses and the state pathologist.

That verdict was overturned by the supreme court, which convicted him of manslaughter and sent him back to the district court for sentencing.

Korman, the chief of security at the Hadar Beitar settlement, descended on the Shushas’ West Bank village in October 1996 to hunt down a group of children who had been pelting Jewish cars with stones.

Cousins of the dead boy, who saw the assault, said he pinned Hilmi down with his foot before delivering the fatal blow. Korman claimed he never intended to kill the child, and said he tried to revive him.

The boy’s father, Said Shusha, told Israel radio the sentence amounted to “giving people a licence to kill“.

The B’Tselem human rights organisation said the sentence was part of a pattern of institutions turning a blind eye to abuses of Palestinians by Israelis while showing no mercy to Palestinians accused of causing injury to Jews. It said such leniency prevailed long before the intifada, and mobs of Jewish settlers have often been accused of attacking Palestinian villagers in the West Bank.

“At a time when violence by Israeli civilians against Palestinians is increasing, the court’s decision sends the message that Palestinian life is cheap, and that Israeli civilians in the occupied territories can continue to abuse Palestinians with impunity,” B’Tselem said in a statement.

The decision is bound to deepen criticism of systematic racial prejudice in Israel’s law enforcement system.

Also yesterday, the governing body of Israel’s 1m Palestinian citizens submitted an investigative report to the supreme court, accusing the government of sanctioning a shoot-to-kill policy against Arab protesters inside Israel in October, when 13 demonstrators were shot dead.

Meanwhile, the supreme court is considering the release of another Jewish settler, Yoram Skolnik, who was convicted in 1993 of shooting dead a Palestinian who lay on the ground with his hands and legs bound.

Israel’s former president, Ezer Weizman, granted Skolnik two reductions on his life term, and the parole board has recommended his early release for good behaviour.

Meanwhile, Israeli troops shot dead a 15-year-old Palestinian stonethrower in the Gaza Strip yesterday, hours before the start of talks in the Egyptian resort of Taba.

The talks, expected to last at least a week, are seen as a last-ditch effort by Mr Barak and the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat, to map out a course for future negotiations before Israel goes to the polls on February 6.

But even Mr Barak, who opinion polls predict will suffer a resounding defeat unless he can convince Israelis he is the only man who can negotiate with the Palestinians, was not holding out much hope.

“In the short time left, with the gaps that exist, the chances of bridging them is not great,” he told Israel army radio.

Note: the killing and detention of Palestinian kids have gone unabated since then. Even burning them alive to death.


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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