Massacres of civilians in the Arab States, Afghanistan and Pakistan: US neither confirms nor denies
The US has intensified its drone attacks in south Yemen in the last two months, claiming that the operations are meant to oppose advances of “Al Qaeda” militias in most South Yemen provinces. Actually, Al Qaeda that does not exist anymore as a unified force, is being used haphazardly as a smokescreen to any “unorthodox” military operations not covered by the UN.
The leader of the “Hawthi” tribes in north Yemen, the tribes that fought Saudi Arabia incursion into Yemen four years ago, has been very vocal concerning the military involvement of the US in Yemen. It appears that the US is playing mercenary to the account of Saudi Arabia in this region.
Chris Woods published in All Stories on March 29th, 2012 “Covert War on Terror” and claims that the US neither confirms nor denies the civilian massacre.
Three unnamed victims of the December 17, 2009 strike of al-Majala, southern Yemen, (Photos courtesy Al Jazeera)
“For some weeks in early winter 2009, the people of al-Majala, southern Yemen, had noticed a spotter plane overhead. The aircraft, most likely American, wasn’t seen as a threat. After all, it had been seven years since the last US military action in Yemen, when a CIA drone had killed six al Qaeda-linked militants.
But everything was about to change. At 6am on December 17, an US Navy vessel stationed in the Gulf launched at least one cruise missile towards al-Majala. At least one BGM-109D Tomahawk cruise missile hit al-Majala.
Among the dead were 22 children. The youngest, aged just one, was Khadje Ali Mokbel Louqye. A dozen women also died, five of them reportedly pregnant.
Forty-one civilians died in the US attack. Fourteen members of the extended al Haydara clan were killed, along with 27 members of the al Anbouri clan. Three more people later died when they stepped on left-over cluster munitions.
The US target was Saleh Mohammed al-Anbouri, also known as al-Kazemi. The man was a known militant, who had allegedly been ‘bringing nationals from different countries to train them to become Al Qaeda members’, as stated in a later inquiry. He was linked to al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), a franchise of the global terrorist organisation which had launched multiple attacks against US interests in Yemen.
Al Anbouri had brought his wife and four young sons to live with his tribe in al-Majala. Living in the hamlet was the extended al Haydara family, mostly women and children. They had no known links to AQAP.
Al Anbouri told locals that after recently being released from prison, he wanted to ‘start a new life.’ On the morning of December 17, he and a group of other men were digging a well.
“This type of missile, launched from a warship or submarine, is designed to carry 166 cluster sub-munitions (bomblets) which each explode into over 200 sharp steel fragments that can cause injuries up to 150m away. Incendiary material inside the bomblet also spreads fragments of burning zirconium designed to set fire to nearby flammable objects.
Entire families were killed. Within hours of the attack, news began circulating that a large number of civilians had died in al-Majala. The New York Times reported that night: ’some witnesses and local journalists in Abyan said a number of civilians were also killed in Thursday’s raids there.’ By the following day Al Jazeera was airing video images of shrouded corpses.
Al Jazeera footage and report of raid aftermath
A surviving woman later told reporter Jeremy Scahill for Al Jazeera:
“At 6am, the (extended family) were sleeping and I was making bread. When the missiles exploded I lost consciousness. I didn’t know what had happened to my children, my daughter, my husband. Only I survived with this old man and my daughter.”
These numbers of dead civilians mask the many individual families annihilated in the attack. Mohammed Nasser Awad Jaljala, 60, his 30-year-old wife Nousa, their son Nasser, 6, and daughters Arwa, 4, and Fatima, aged 2, were all killed.
There was 35-year old Ali Mohammed Nasser Jaljala, his wife Qubla (25), and their four daughters Afrah (9), Zayda (7), Hoda (5) and Sheikha (4) who all died.
Ahmed Mohammed Nasser Jaljala, 30, was killed alongside his 21-year old wife Qubla and 50-year old mother Mouhsena. Their daughter Fatima, aged 13, was the only survivor of the family, badly injured and needing extensive medical treatment abroad.
The Anbour clan suffered similarly catastrophic losses. Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye died with his wife, son and three daughters. His brother Ali Mokbel Salem Louqye’s seven-strong family were also wiped out.
Sheik Saleh Ben Fareed, a tribal leader, went to the area shortly after the attack and described the carnage to Al Jazeera reporter Scahill:
‘If somebody has a weak heart, I think they will collapse. You see goats and sheep all over. You see heads of those who were killed here and there. You see children. And you cannot tell if this meat belongs to animals or to human beings. Very sad, very sad.”
Because the US is claiming to fight a covert war in Yemen, it is unknown whether there has been any investigation into the deaths. Instead, the US has actively sought to cover up its role in the attack.
For the Pentagon’s elite Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) – the group that captured Saddam Hussein and would later kill Osama bin Laden – the first US attack in Yemen in seven years must have seemed a success. A wanted terrorist and his alleged associates were dead.
Three weeks after that attack, General David Petraeus, then head of United States Central Command (Centcom) – and who now runs the CIA – met Yemen’s President Saleh (deposed since) in the capital Sanaa. In line with the covert nature of this new front in Obama’s war on terror, the two schemed to cover up the US role in the attack.
But Saleh was concerned. He lamented the use of “not very accurate cruise missiles… mistakes were made.” No wonder Saleh was no longer wanted to rule the country. Why were so many civilians killed in the attack?
According to the secret report of that meeting, later released by WikiLeaks, Petraeus was thrown by Saleh’s concern. ‘The only civilians killed were the wife and two children’ of Al Anbouri, Petraeus told president Ali Abdallah Saleh. An aside in the cable notes that ‘Saleh’s conversation on the civilian casualties suggests he has not been well briefed by his advisors.’
Yet it was Petraeus himself who appears to have been poorly briefed that day.
Al-Anbouri’s wife Amina did die. So too her four sons Maha aged 12, Soumaya, 9, Shafika, 4 and two-year-old Shafiq. So did 39 other civilians, we now know.
Official inquiry Days after the attack, Yemen’s parliament convened a Commission of inquiry into the security incidents in Abyan province. Made up of 14 representatives, the commission was led by Sheikh Hamir Ben Abdullah Ben Hussein Al-Ahmar, now deputy speaker of the Yemeni parliament.
Their bodies had been completely torn into pieces during the attack
Yemen Commission report
The commission sought to discover what had really happened in al-Majala, travelling to the hamlet and questioning survivors. A spokesman for the sheikh told the Bureau this week that the inquiry ‘did not state that the American forces launched the attack’.
The commission found grisly evidence of a massacre. Although it concluded that al Anbouri and 13 other militants died, their deaths were overshadowed by those of 44 civilians. The effect of a cluster bomb-filled cruise missile had been particularly brutal:
“When members of the Commission visited the cemetery where the victims were buried, they noticed that some members of the two families were buried in communal graves because their remnants could not be identified. Their bodies had been completely torn into pieces during the attack.”
Naming the dead
The commission published its full investigation, in Arabic, on February 7, 2010. Included were the names, ages, genders, family relationships and clans of all 44 civilians killed, along with eyewitness testimony from survivors.
A month later Yemen’s parliament approved the commission’s findings in full, calling on the government to open a judicial investigation. According to Amnesty, ‘the same day, the Yemen government apologized to the victims’ families, describing the killings as a “mistake” during an operation that was meant to target al-Qa’ida militants, and said that committees would be established to provide compensation for the people killed and the property destroyed.’
This week Yemen confirmed to the Bureau that it had itself paid out compensation at local levels to affected families, but that ‘the American authorities did not get involved in this process in any way.’
For two years the US has been aware, in extensive detail, of all 44 civilians killed at al-Majala. Its direct role in the attack is clearly documented, and confirmed in leaked US diplomatic cables.
The Bureau this week asked the US Department of State and Centcom, which is responsible for US military operations in Yemen, the following questions:
What investigations has the US carried out into the December 17 attack and the high number of reported civilian casualties? What were the conclusions reached?
Specifically on the Yemen parliamentary commission findings – what further investigations were carried out into the reports of 44 named civilians killed in that attack?
What disciplinary measures, if any, have been taken against US personnel involved in that attack?
What compensation, if any, has been paid by the US to surviving members of the al-Hadra and al-Anbour families?
A State Department spokesperson, speaking on background terms, replied: ‘I don’t have any information for you with respect to the December 17, 2009 incident in question. I refer you to the Government of Yemen for additional information on its counterterrorism efforts.’
Centcom declined to discuss matters which may relate to US Special Operations.
The Bureau also asked the US Senate Armed Services Committee what investigations it has carried out generally into US military actions in Yemen, and specifically into the December 17 2009 incident. The committee replied that it was ‘not able to answer these questions’.
Note: The dead from the Haydara clan:
Family of Mohammed Nasser Awad Jaljala
Name
Age
Status
Mohammed Nasser Awad Jaljala
60
Father
Nousa Mohammed Saleh El-Souwa
30
Wife
Nasser Mohammed Nasser
6
Son
Arwa Mohammed Nasser
4
Daughter
Fatima Mohammed Nasser
2
Daughter
Family of Ali Mohammed Nasser Jaljala:
Name
Age
Status
Ali Mohammed Nasser
35
Father
Qubla Al-Kharibi Salem
25
Wife
Afrah Ali Mohammed Nasser
9
Daughter
Zayda Ali Mohammed Nasser
7
Daughter
Hoda Ali Mohammed Nasser
5
Daughter
Sheikha Ali Mohammed Nasser
4
Daughter
Family of Ahmed Mohammed Nasser Jaljala:
Name
Age
Status
Ahmed Mohammed Nasser Jaljala
30
Father
Qubla Salem Nasser
21
Wife
Mouhsena Ahmed Adiyou
50
Mother
The dead from the Anbour clan:
Family of Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
Name
Age
Status
Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
37
Father
Saleha Ali Ahmed Mansour
30
Wife
Ibrahim Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
13
Son
Asmaa Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
9
Daughter
Salma Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
4
Daughter
Fatima Abdullah Mokbel Salem Louqye
3
Daughter
Family of Ali Mokbel Salem Louqye
Name
Age
Status
Ali Mokbel Salem Louqye
36
Father
Hanaa Abdallah Monser
28
Wife
Moheile Mohammed Saeed Yaslem
30
Safaa Ali Mokbel Salem
25
Daughter
Khadije Ali Mokbel Louqye
1
Daughter
Hanaa Ali Mokbel Louqye
6
Daughter
Mohammed Ali Mokbel Salem Louqye
4
Son
Family of Mokbel Salem Louqye:
Name
Age
Status
Fatima Yaslem Al-Rawami
67
First Wife
Maryam Awad Nasser
43
Second Wife
Jawass Mokbel Salem Louqye
15
Daughter
Family of Abdullah Awad Sheikh:
Name
Age
Status
Abdullah Awad Sheikh
65
Father
Family of Hussein Abdullah Awad Sheikh:
Name
Age
Status
Hanane Mohammed Jadib
25
Wife
Maryam Hussein Abdullah Awad
2,9
Daughter
Shafiq Hussein Abdullah Awad
1,5
Daughter
Family of Nasser Mahdi Ahmad Bouh:
Name
Age
Status
Maryam Mokbel Salem Louqye
38
Wife
Sheikha Nasser Mahdi Ahmad Bouh
3
Daughter
Family of Mohammed Saleh Mohammed Ali Al-Anbouri:
Name
Age
Status
Amina Abdullah Awad Sheikh
27
Wife
Maha Mohammed Saleh Mohammed
12
Son
Soumaya Mohammed Saleh Mohammed
9
Son
Shafika Mohammed Saleh Mohammed
4
Son
Shafiq Mohammed Saleh Mohammed
2
Son
Additional research and translations by Angie Zambarakji
Task Force 373: Drones targeting 2,000 on kill-list
Julian Assange of WikiLeaks revealed in an interview with Hans Ulrich Obrist the following piece of intelligence:
“One of the elements we discovered in “Afghan War Diary” (leaked in July 2010) was the existence of Task Force 373. This is a special unit of the American army in charge of “liquidating” targets in a list of 2,000 names. There are no impartial rules to add or delete names from the list. No one can warn you whether you are included on that list of “Joint Priority Effects List (JPEL)”, or potential dead by drone attacks. From the document received, 50% of the targeted persons were simply killed: No alternatives to trying to capturing them alive. In many instances, the drones just assassinated innocent kids and civilians, as collateral damages.
The dailies Der Spiegel (Germany) and The Guardian published articles on the bombing of a school that killed seven kids.Task Force 373 tried hard to “kill” this information and then extended its apology…Journalist Eric Schmitt of the New York Times, and in charge of the section national security, wrote an article on that subject, but it never was published.
On many occasions, the political leaders in Pakistan and Afghanistan vented their anger at these drone attacks, to no avail so far.
Prior to the leaks on Task Force, WikiLeaks had divulged the two procedures of how the detention camp in Guantanamo Bay functions. We obtained the manual of 2003. The pentagon replied: “Yes, the manual is from 2003, during the period of General Miller…” (another scapegoat criminal). We got the manual of 2004, and we realized that the procedure became even stricter, instead of improving…”
Karen DeYoung published an article titled “US increases Yemen drone strikes”, on Saturday, September 17. She wrote:
“The Obama administration has significantly increased the frequency of drone strikes and other air attacks against the al-Qaeda affiliate in Yemen in recent months, amid rising concern about political collapse there. A few of the strikes, carried out by the military’s Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC), have been focused in the southern part of the country, where insurgent forces have for the first time conquered and held territory, as the Yemeni government continues to struggle against escalating opposition to President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s 33-year rule.
Unlike in Pakistan, where the CIA has presidential authorization to launch drone strikes at will, each U.S. attack in Yemen — and those being conducted in nearby Somalia, such as the most recent on Thursday near the southern port city of Kismayo — requires White House approval, senior administration officials said.
The officials, who were not authorized to discuss the matter on the record, said intended targets must be drawn from an approved list of key members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula deemed by U.S. intelligence officials to be involved in planning attacks against the West.
White House counterterrorism adviser, John O. Brennan, last week put their number at “a couple of dozen, maybe.”Although several unconfirmed strikes each week have been reported by local media in Yemen and Somalia, the administration has made no public acknowledgment of the escalated campaign, and officials who discussed the increase declined to provide numbers.
The heightened air activity coincides with the administration’s determination this year that AQAP, as the Yemen-based group is known, poses a more significant threat to the United States than the core al-Qaeda group based in Pakistan. The administration has also concluded that AQAP has recruited at least a portion of the main insurgent group in Somalia, al-Shabab, to its anti-Western cause.
From its initial months in office, the Obama administration has debated whether to extend the air attacks that have proved so effective in Pakistan to the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa. Military and intelligence officials have long argued in favor of attacks against al-Shabab camps in Somalia, which have been under overhead surveillance for years. Other officials have questioned the legal and moral justification for intervening in what, until recently, has been a largely domestic conflict.
The administration has said its legal authority to conduct such strikes, whether with fixed-wing planes, cruise missiles or drones, derives from the 2001 congressional resolution authorizing attacks against al-Qaeda and protection of the U.S. homeland, as well as the international law of self-defense.
“The United States does not view our authority to use military force against al-Qaeda as being restricted solely to ‘hot’ battlefields like Afghanistan,” Brennan said in remarks prepared for delivery Friday night at Harvard Law School. “We reserve the right to take unilateral action if or when other governments are unwilling or unable to take the necessary actions themselves.”
What’s going on? The US administrations always reserve the right to taking unilateral actions, such as launching a preemptive war on Iraq in 2003, without a UN resolution. And the US administrations wonder why people are very upset with US political behaviors against the rudiment of human rights overseas.
Note: On October 2, a US drone assassinated US citizen Al Awlaki in Yemen. Shouldn’t Al Awlaki be caught alive and tried, as any citizen should?