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Posts Tagged ‘Massoud Barazani

Kurdish Barazani clan seized oil-rich Iraq northern Kirkuk in 2015? Kicked out today

Note 1: Iraq army re-occupied Kirkuk this Oct 15, 2017, the airport, the largest military base and oil fields. The Kurd Not associated with Barazani just handed over Kirkuk to start fruitful negotiations. Iran and Turkey closed borders with Barazani tribe of Kurdistan and Irbil civilian airport is closed

Note 2: Barazani Father tried to establish a Kurdistan in the 70’s and formed an army of 100,000. Once Saddam and the Shah of Iran reached an agreement on their differences, Barazani disbanded his army of Peshmerga. Turkey forced Jalal Talbani to dismantle his forces in the western Kurdish province with city of Sulaymaniyyeh. Talbani died a month ago and he integrated the Iraqi government as President.

Note 3: Kurdish leader, Massoud Barazani is a ripe fruit going bad, rotting and falling. He obeyed all the orders of USA/Israel. His role is now over, him and the extremist members of his clan.

Joel Rosenberg posted this June 17, 2014 (selected as one of top posts)

Take a good look at this picture taken in 1971 in northern Iraq.

Head of Israel Mossad  Zowa Zamir (1968-76) and future head of Mossad (Nahoum Admoni) and vice Mossad chief (Manahem Naheek Nawoot) are taking a “selfi” with three of the current Kurdish leader such as Massoud Barazani and Mahmoud Othman. 

Othman is in the front center.Massoud Barazani is on the far left and is the current leader of the Kurds in city of Irbil.

‎#لكم_التعليق</p> <p>مسعود بارازاني و محمود عثمان برفقة<br /> "ناهوم آدموني رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي بين عامي 1989-1982"<br /> "زوي زامير رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي لثمان سنين 1976-1968"<br /> و " مناخم ناهيكـ ناووت معاون رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي"<br /> في شمال العراق عام 1971</p> <p>ملتقى البشائر‎

After the current push of ISIS (Da3esh) in northern Iraq and the fall of Mosul, Massoud sent his Kurdish troops to defend Kirkuk and declared that Iraq has been partitioned de facto into three parts and that the Kurdish region will held a referendum for its independence (done this Oct. 2017).

In that period of 2015-17, Barazani exported oil of the Kirkuk fields to mainly Turkey and Israel at low prices, sort of contraband operations, like ISIS in Syria.

Turkey announced it will no longer import oil from Kirkuk and the official border-crossing with Iran are closed.

 

Joel Rosenberg posted this June 17, 2014 (selected as one of top posts)

kurdistan-map(Washington, D.C.) — Could recent developments in Iraq have prophetic implications? Actually, the answer may be yes — especially with regards to the Kurdish people who live in northern Iraq. Let me explain.

As we’ve been seeing in recent weeks, the Radical jihadist forces of the “Islamic State of Iraq & al-Sham” (ISIS) are on the move towards Baghdad. They are leaving a trail of bloodshed and carnage in their wake.

The objective of the ISIS leaders is to topple the Iraqi government, seize control of all of Iraq, establish a jihadist state under Sharia law, and use Iraq to begin a regional — and eventually global — Islamic caliphate, or kingdom.

Now, the Kurdish leaders have taken advantage of the chaos of this moment to seize control of the oil-rich region of Kirkuk for themselves. (see AP story below)

The oil fields of Kirkuk have been a long-standing issue of controversy in Iraq, especially since the liberation of the country in 2003. Whoever controls those fields would control enormous wealth as the oil there is more fully developed and shipped to markets around the globe.

The Kurds are Sunni Muslims, but they are not ethnically Arabs (Few Iraqis are “Arabs”).

Indeed, many Kurds have a deep hatred for the Arabs. Several decades ago, the world create a special, protected, autonomous region for the Kurds in the north region of Iraq, after Saddam Hussein repeated attacked and tried to destroy the Kurds, including with the use of chemical weapons.

Ultimately, many Kurds want to create an independent country of their own, uniting Kurds living in Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey. Yet each of those national governments strongly oppose the creation of an independent Kurdistan.

What’s fascinating is that the modern Kurdish people were known in ancient times (during Roman Empire) as the Medes. Here is where things get interesting.

(The following part is an amalgam of lucubration and insane religious excerpts, sort of Zionism exploiting every opportunity to spread its hubris “propaganda”)

Bible prophecy indicates that in the End Times, as we get closer to the Second Coming of Jesus Christ, God will allow the Medes to gain power, even as the Lord allows the Arabs (there were No such things as “Arabs” at these periods) to gain power and rebuild the kingdom of Babylon in the heart of Iraq.

The Book of Revelation, for example, tells us that Babylon will be the epicenter of evil in the last days of history, and will eventually face the judgment of God.

The Hebrew prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah and Daniel tell us this, as well, indicating Babylon will be completely destroyed and when the judgment is complete, Babylon will be completely uninhabitable.

Indeed, Isaiah 13:20 says of Babylon, “It will never be inhabited or lived in from generation to generation; nor will the Arab pitch his tent there, nor will shepherds make their flocks lie down there.”

What’s more, Bible prophecy indicates that God will raise up the Medes — that is, the Kurdish people — to be an instrument of judgment against Babylon. (I guess that’s what USA Bush Jr. did or tried to achieve for 8 years of occupation))

  • Isaiah 13:17 — “Behold, I am going to stir up the Medes against them [the Babylonians]….”
  • Jeremiah 51:11 — “The Lord has aroused the spirit of the kings of the Medes, because His purpose is against Babylon to destroy it; for it is the vengeance of the Lord….”
  • Jeremiah 51:28-29 — “Consecrate the nations against her, the kings of the Medes, their governors and all their prefects, and every land of their dominion. So the land quakes and writhes, for the purposes of the Lord against Babylon stand, to make the land of Babylon a desolation without inhabitants….”

How exactly will these eschatological prophecies come to pass? It’s too early to say for certain.

But after studying these prophecies, traveling 4 times to the Iraqi Kurdistan region, meeting with senior Kurdish leaders — including Kurdish Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani — and tracking developments there over the past decade or so, I think it is fair to say we may be seeing some of the prophetic battle lines developing:

  • The hatred of the Kurds/Medes against the Arabs, and vice versa, is steadily growing.
  • The Kurds/Medes and the Arabs are in a continued struggle to control the oil resources that will make either or both of them enormously wealthy and powerful in the End Times.
  • The Kurds/Medes are, step by step, forming into their nation, and possibly their own country.
  • The Kurds/Medes are developing an increasingly effective military force that is able to overpower the Iraqi Arabs at times. (They couldn’t even fight ISIS)

For more on the latest geopolitical developments, here are excerpts from a recent article from the Associated Press, “HOW THE KURDS SEIZED KIRKUK.”

  • “After a decades-long dispute between Arabs and Kurds over the oil-rich northern Iraqi city of Kirkuk, it took just an hour and a half for its fate to be decided,” the Associated Press reports. “As al-Qaida-inspired militants advanced across northern Iraq and security forces melted away, Kurdish fighters who have long dominated Kirkuk ordered Iraqi troops out and seized full control of the regional oil hub and surrounding areas, according to a mid-ranking Army officer. He said he was told to surrender his weapons and leave his base.
  • His account was corroborated by an Arab tribal sheik and a photographer who witnessed the looting of army bases after troops left and who related similar accounts of the takeover from relatives in the army. All three spoke to The Associated Press Friday on condition of anonymity because they feared retribution from Kurdish forces.
  • “They said they would defend Kirkuk from the Islamic State,” said the Arab officer, who oversaw a warehouse in the city’s central military base. He asked that his rank not be made public.
  • He insisted the Iraqi troops had not planned to retreat before the Islamic state. “We were ready to battle to death. We were completely ready,” he said at a roadside rest house just inside the semi-autonomous Kurdish region.
  • The Kurdish takeover of the long-disputed city came days after the extremist Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and other Sunni militants seized much of the country’s second largest city of Mosul and Saddam Hussein’s hometown of Tikrit before driving south toward Baghdad. Their lightning advance has plunged the country into its worst crisis since the 2011 withdrawal of U.S. troops.
  • A spokesman for Kurdish forces, known as the peshmerga, said they had only moved in after Iraqi troops retreated, assuming control of the “majority of the Kurdistan region” outside the semi-autonomous Kurdish Regional Government.
  • “Peshmerga forces have helped Iraqi soldiers and military leaders when they abandoned their positions,” including by helping three generals to fly back to Baghdad from the Kurdish regional capital Irbil, Lieutenant General Jabbar Yawar said in a statement on the regional government’s website….
  • Kirkuk, 180 miles (290 kilometers) north of Baghdad, is home to Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen, who all have competing claims to the oil-rich area. Kurds have long wanted to incorporate it into their self-ruled region, but Arabs and Turkmen are opposed.
  • In the 1970s and 1980s the Arab-dominated government in Baghdad drove hundreds of thousands of Kurds out of Kirkuk and surrounding regions, settling Arabs from the south in their place in an attempt to pacify a region that had seen repeated revolts.
  • During the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 the highly disciplined peshmerga swept down from the semi-autonomous Kurdish region and established a strong presence in a belt of largely Kurdish towns and villages stretching south toward Baghdad.
  • But the disintegration of Iraqi forces this week seems to have led the peshmerga to assume full control in areas they have long coveted, further enhancing their autonomy from Baghdad and undermining hard-fought U.S. efforts to bring about a stable, multiethnic Iraq.
  • “To a great extent Kurdish forces had been de facto in control of Kirkuk for some time, but now they’re completely in control,” said F. Gregory Gause, III, a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Doha Center.
  • He said it was unlikely the Kurds would seek formal independence from Iraq, however, because such a move would be strongly opposed by neighboring Turkey and Iran — both of which have sizable Kurdish minorities — as well as Washington.

‫#‏لكم_التعليق‬

مسعود بارازاني و محمود عثمان برفقة
“ناهوم آدموني رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي بين عامي 1989-1982”
“زوي زامير رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي لثمان سنين 1976-1968″
و ” مناخم ناهيكـ ناووت معاون رئيس الموساد الاسرائيلي”
في شمال العراق عام 1971

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Imagining a Remapped Middle East? The western Nations have been racking their brain on remapping for centuries

THE map of the modern Middle East, a political and economic pivot in the international order, is in tatters.

Syria’s ruinous war ($18 billion loss) is the turning point.

The centrifugal forces of rival beliefs, tribes and ethnicities — empowered by unintended consequences of the Arab Spring — are also pulling apart a region defined by European colonial powers two centuries ago (even during the weakening Ottoman Empire) and defended by Arab autocrats ever since.

Multimedia

Imagining a Remapped Middle East

ROBIN WRIGHT Published this September 28, 2013 in The Sunday Review of the NYT: Imagining a Remapped Middle East
A different map would be a strategic game changer for just about everybody, potentially reconfigure alliances, security challenges, trade and energy flows for much of the world, too.

Syria’s prime location and muscle make it the strategic center of the Middle East. But it is a complex country, rich in religious and ethnic variety, and therefore fragile.

After independence, Syria reeled from more than a half-dozen coups between 1949 and 1970, when the Assad dynasty seized full control.

After 30 months of bloodletting, diversity has turned deadly, killing both people and country. Syria has crumbled into 3 identifiable regions, each with its own flag and security forces. A different future is taking shape: a narrow smaller canton along a corridor from the south through Damascus, Homs and Hama to the northern Mediterranean coast controlled by the Assads’ minority Alawite sect. In the north, a small Kurdistan, largely autonomous since mid-2012. The biggest chunk is the Sunni-dominated heartland.

Syria’s unraveling would set precedents for the region, beginning next door.

Until now, Iraq resisted falling apart because of foreign pressure, regional fear of going it alone and oil wealth that bought loyalty, at least on paper. But Syria is now sucking Iraq into its maelstrom.

The battlefields are merging,”

The United Nations envoy Martin Kobler told the Security Council in July. “Iraq is the fault line between the Shia and the Sunni world and everything which happens in Syria, of course, has repercussions on the political landscape in Iraq.”

Over time, Iraq’s Sunni minority — notably in western Anbar Province, site of anti-government protests — may feel more commonality with eastern Syria’s Sunni majority. Tribal ties and smuggling span the border. Together, they could form a de facto or formal Sunnistan. Iraq’s south would effectively become Shiitestan, although separation is not likely to be that neat.

The dominant political parties in the two Kurdish regions of Syria and Iraq have longstanding differences, but when the border opened in August, more than 50,000 Syrian Kurds fled to Iraqi Kurdistan, creating new cross-border communities.

Massoud Barazani, president of Iraqi Kurdistan, has also announced plans for the first summit meeting of 600 Kurds from some 40 parties in Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Iran this fall.

“We feel that conditions are now appropriate,” said Kamal Kirkuki, the former speaker of Iraq’s Kurdish Parliament, about trying to mobilize disparate Kurds to discuss their future. (An independent Kurdistan was discussed after WWI)

Outsiders have long gamed the Middle East: What if the Ottoman Empire hadn’t been divvied up by outsiders after World War I? ( It has been divided in the Peace Treaty of Versailles, but Mustapha Kemal Ataturk’s army in Anatolia recaptured all the regions given away to Greece, and mandated France…)

Or the map reflected geographic realities or identities? Reconfigured maps infuriated Arabs who suspected foreign plots to divide and weaken them all over again. (Most of the borders in the Middle-East and Africa, under the mandated colonial powers were artificially drawn by France, England and Italy)

I had never been a map gamer. I lived in Lebanon during the 15-year civil war and thought it could survive splits among 18 sects. I also didn’t think Iraq would splinter during its nastiest fighting in 2006-7. But twin triggers changed my thinking.

The Arab Spring was the kindling. Arabs not only wanted to oust dictators, they wanted power decentralized to reflect local identity or rights to resources. Syria set the match to itself and conventional wisdom about geography.

New borders may be drawn in disparate, and potentially chaotic, ways. Countries could unravel through phases of federation, soft partition or autonomy, ending in geographic divorce.

Libya’s uprising was partly against the rule of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi. But it also reflected Benghazi’s quest to separate from domineering Tripoli. Tribes differ. Tripolitanians look to the Maghreb, or western Islamic world, while Cyrenaicans look to the Mashriq, or eastern Islamic world. Plus, the capital hogs oil revenues, even though the east supplies 80 percent of it.

So Libya could devolve into two or even three pieces. The Cyrenaica National Council in eastern Libya declared autonomy in June. Southern Fezzan also has separate tribal and geographic identities: this region has more people from the Sahel than North African in culture, tribes and identity, it could split off too.

Other states lacking a sense of common good or identity, the political glue, are vulnerable, particularly budding democracies straining to accommodate disparate constituencies with new expectations.

After ousting its longtime dictator, Yemen launched a fitful National Dialogue in March to hash out a new order. But in a country long rived by a northern rebellion and southern separatists, enduring success may depend on embracing the idea of federation — and promises to let the south vote on secession.

(The two Yemen, Marxist South and Saudi dominated North merged in 1989)

A new map might get even more intriguing. Arabs are abuzz about part of South Yemen’s eventually merging with Saudi Arabia (How could that be if North Yemen is separating the two regions?). Most southerners are Sunni, as is most of Saudi Arabia; many have family in the kingdom. The poorest Arabs, Yemenis could benefit from Saudi riches. In turn, Saudis would gain access to the Arabian Sea for trade, diminishing dependence on the Persian Gulf and fear of Iran’s virtual control over the Strait of Hormuz.

The most fantastical ideas involve the Balkanization of Saudi Arabia, already in the third iteration of a country that merged rival tribes by force under rigid Wahhabi Islam. The kingdom seems physically secured in glass high-rises and eight-lane highways, but it still has disparate cultures, distinct tribal identities and tensions between a Sunni majority and a Shiite minority, notably in the oil-rich east.

Social strains are deepening from rampant corruption and about 30% youth unemployment in a self-indulgent country that may have to import oil in two decades. As the monarchy moves to a new generation, the House of Saud will almost have to create a new ruling family from thousands of princes, a contentious process.

Other changes may be de facto. City-states — oases of multiple identities like Baghdad, well-armed enclaves like Misurata, Libya’s third largest city, or homogeneous zones like Jabal al-Druze in southern Syria — might make a comeback, even if technically inside countries. (Back to antiquity City-State systems?)

A century after the British adventurer-cum-diplomat Sir Mark Sykes and the French envoy François Georges-Picot carved up the region, nationalism is rooted in varying degrees in countries initially defined by imperial tastes and trade rather than logic. The question now is whether nationalism is stronger than older sources of identity during conflict or tough transitions.

Syrians like to claim that nationalism will prevail whenever the war ends. The problem is that Syria now has multiple nationalisms. “Cleansing” is a growing problem. And guns exacerbate differences. Sectarian strife generally is now territorializing the split between Sunnis and Shiites in ways not seen in the modern Middle East.

But other factors could keep the Middle East from fraying — good governance, decent services and security, fair justice, jobs and equitably shared resources, or even a common enemy (If the superpowers and regional powers give peace a chance).

Countries are effectively mini-alliances. But those factors seem far off in the Arab world. And the longer Syria’s war rages on, the greater the instability and dangers for the whole region.

Robin Wright is the author of “Rock the Casbah: Rage and Rebellion Across the Islamic World” and a distinguished scholar at the United States Institute of Peace and the Wilson Center.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on September 29, 2013, on page SR7 of the New York edition with the headline: Imagining a Remapped Middle East.


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