Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘palestinians

Pictures of girls and art activities in Palestine

 

The banana represents a sensitive person who is suffering from the nails sticking into him, said Oussama Diab. The artwork is called "Human Being."

The banana represents a sensitive person who is suffering from the nails sticking into him, said Oussama Diab. The artwork is called “Human Being.”

"New Pieta" reconfigures Michaelangelo's "Pieta" sculpture, but adds a keffiyah to Jesus Christ to show him as a Palestinian rebel. "Mary here is the mother of all Palestinian martyrs," said Diab. "Every day there's a new Jesus Christ in Palestine. Every day there's a new Mother Mary crying for her Jesus Christ."

“New Pieta” reconfigures Michaelangelo’s “Pieta” sculpture, but adds a keffiyah to Jesus Christ to show him as a Palestinian rebel. “Mary here is the mother of all Palestinian martyrs,” said Diab. “Every day there’s a new Jesus Christ in Palestine. Every day there’s a new Mother Mary crying for her Jesus Christ.”

The balloons in front of this woman's head represent the nice ideas she has in her head, Oussama Diab said of his artwork "Balloon."

The balloons in front of this woman’s head represent the nice ideas she has in her head, Oussama Diab said of his artwork “Balloon.”

In "Barcode 1," said Diab, the child behind the barcode is the victim of people who are dealing in weapons and driving children to take up arms for their own interests.

In “Barcode 1,” said Diab, the child behind the barcode is the victim of people who are dealing in weapons and driving children to take up arms for their own interests.

This picture, called "Barcode 2," is taken from a photograph of one of the Palestinian intifadas and, says Daib, shows how politicians advertise violence. "Although the picture is from the Palestinian intifada, it refers to all violence everywhere," said added.

This picture, called “Barcode 2,” is taken from a photograph of one of the Palestinian intifadas and, says Daib, shows how politicians advertise violence. “Although the picture is from the Palestinian intifada, it refers to all violence everywhere,” said added.

Diab says this picture was inspired by the saying "Free in my own freedom." He said it is a positive artwork, where the woman is free to color her own life to make it better. "She is free from old ideas," he said.

Diab says this picture was inspired by the saying “Free in my own freedom.” He said it is a positive artwork, where the woman is free to color her own life to make it better. “She is free from old ideas,” he said.

Oussama says this picture came from the idea of spraying on walls to represent freedom. "Instead of writing the word freedom, this man is spraying his own brain and ideas to express freedom," he said.

Oussama says this picture came from the idea of spraying on walls to represent freedom. “Instead of writing the word freedom, this man is spraying his own brain and ideas to express freedom,” he said.

Noor Daoud, 23, in her BMW. Daoud is about to compete in a professional drift race in the United Arab Emirates, which she hopes will be the start of a top-flight international career.

Noor Daoud, 23, in her BMW. Daoud is about to compete in a professional drift race in the United Arab Emirates, which she hopes will be the start of a top-flight international career.

The Speed Sisters say many people have no idea they are women until they take their helmets off. These are (from left): Betty Saadeh, Noor Douad, Marah Sahalka and Muna Ennab.

The Speed Sisters say many people have no idea they are women until they take their helmets off. These are (from left): Betty Saadeh, Noor Douad, Marah Sahalka and Muna Ennab.

Marah Zahalka taking a turn during a race in Bethlehem. Palestinian street car races, held at makeshift venues such as airfields, often attract 1,000 spectators.

Marah Zahalka taking a turn during a race in Bethlehem. Palestinian street car races, held at makeshift venues such as airfields, often attract 1,000 spectators.

Muna Ennab watches a race in Ramallah. Her t-shirt refers to drift racing, a driving technique in which the driver deliberately oversteers and the rear wheels skid.

Muna Ennab watches a race in Ramallah. Her t-shirt refers to drift racing, a driving technique in which the driver deliberately oversteers and the rear wheels skid.

Marah Zahalka (left) and Noor Daoud, the two youngest Speed Sisters, both in their early 20s, are close friends and fierce competitors.

Marah Zahalka (left) and Noor Daoud, the two youngest Speed Sisters, both in their early 20s, are close friends and fierce competitors.

Betty Saadeh, from Bethlehem, joined the Speed Sisters in 2010 and was the fastest woman on the Palestinian circuit in 2011. Both her father and brother also race cars.

Betty Saadeh, from Bethlehem, joined the Speed Sisters in 2010 and was the fastest woman on the Palestinian circuit in 2011. Both her father and brother also race cars.

Marah Zahalka with her father Khaled, who has supported her career. Some of the Speed Sisters have received encouragement from their families, while others have had to persuade them of their choice.

Marah Zahalka with her father Khaled, who has supported her career. Some of the Speed Sisters have received encouragement from their families, while others have had to persuade them of their choice.

Speed Sisters of the West Bank

Speed Sisters of the West Bank

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Part 9. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage Israeli historian Benny Morris might deny the ethnic cleansing of Palestine, but Jeremy R. Hammond own research shows that this was indeed how Israel came into being. The Israeli historian Benny Morris has been very vocal of late in denying that Palestine was ethnically cleansed of Arabs in order for the “Jewish state” of Israel to be established. In a series of articles in the Israeli daily Haaretz, Morris has debated the question with several of his critics who contend that ethnic cleansing is precisely what occurred. Not so, argues Morris. So who’s right? It’s worth noting at the outset that, while such a debate exists in the Israeli media, the US media remains, as ever, absolutely silent on the matter. The Rejection of Palestinian Self-Determination The Struggle for Palestine and the Roots of the Arab-Israeli Conflict by Jeremy R. Hammond An overview of the crucial period from the rise of the Zionist movement until the creation of the state of Israel. Those were questions the British occupiers asked themselves and conducted inquiries to try to answer. The inquiry into the outbreak of violence in 1921, the Haycraft Commission, determined that “there is no inherent anti-Semitism in the country, racial or religious. We are credibly assured by educated Arabs that they would welcome the arrival of well-to-do and able Jews who could help to develo

Posted on: July 13, 2018

Part 9. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage

Israel Rejection of Palestinian Self-Determination

Decision backed by US “Christian” Evangelical Zionist movement

And Zionist Mandate for Palestine

The Rejection of Palestinian Self-Determination

The Struggle for Palestine and the Roots of the Arab-Israeli Conflict

by Jeremy R. Hammond

An overview of the crucial period from the rise of the Zionist movement until the creation of the state of Israel.

Part 8. Ten Myths on Israel: Not how a “Democratic State” behave (by Ian Pappe)

No, Israel Is Not a Democracy

Crushing Palestinian Resistance Is Not Democratic

Destroying Palestinians’ Houses Is Not Democratic

Imprisoning Palestinians Without Trial Is Not Democratic

By lan Pappe

From Ten Myths About Israel, out now from Verso Books.

June 12, 2018 “Information Clearing House” –  Israel is not the only democracy in the Middle East. In fact, it’s not a democracy at all.

In the eyes of many Israelis and their supporters worldwide — even those who might criticize some of its policies — Israel is, at the end of the day, a benign democratic state, seeking peace with its neighbors, and guaranteeing equality to all its citizens.

Those who do criticize Israel assume that, if anything went wrong in this democracy, then it was due to the 1967 war.

Crushing Palestinian Resistance Is Not Democratic

Under the “enlightened occupation,” settlers have been allowed to form vigilante gangs to harass people and destroy their property. These gangs have changed their approach over the years.

During the 1980s, they used actual terror — from wounding Palestinian leaders (one of them lost his legs in such an attack), to contemplating blowing up the mosques on Haram al-Sharif in Jerusalem.

In this century, they have engaged in the daily harassment of Palestinians: uprooting their trees, destroying their yields, and shooting randomly at their homes and vehicles.

Since 2000, there have been at least 100 such attacks reported per month in some areas such as Hebron, where the five hundred settlers, with the silent collaboration of the Israeli army, harassed the locals living nearby in an even more brutal way.

From the very beginning of the occupation then, the Palestinians were given two options: accept the reality of permanent incarceration in a mega-prison for a very long time, or risk the might of the strongest army in the Middle East.

When the Palestinians did resist — as they did in 1987, 2000, 2006, 2012, 2014, and 2016  (Intifada, civil disobedience)— they were targeted as soldiers and units of a conventional army. Thus, villages and towns were bombed as if they were military bases and the unarmed civilian population was shot at as if it was an army on the battlefield.

Today we know too much about life under occupation, before and after Oslo, to take seriously the claim that nonresistance will ensure less oppression.

The arrests without trial (administrative detention inherited from Britain laws during the mandated period) , as experienced by so many over the years (every night, a dozen Palestinian youths are detained for months) ; the demolition of thousands of houses; the killing and wounding of the innocent; the drainage of water wells — these are all testimony to one of the harshest contemporary regimes of our times.

Amnesty International annually documents in a very comprehensive way the nature of the occupation.

The following is from their 2015 report:

In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, Israeli forces committed unlawful killings of Palestinian civilians, including children, and detained thousands of Palestinians who protested against or otherwise opposed Israel’s continuing military occupation, holding hundreds in administrative detention. Torture and other ill-treatment remained rife and were committed with impunity.

The authorities continued to promote illegal settlements in the West Bank, and severely restricted Palestinians’ freedom of movement, further tightening restrictions amid an escalation of violence from October, which included attacks on Israeli civilians by Palestinians and apparent extrajudicial executions by Israeli forces. Israeli settlers in the West Bank attacked Palestinians and their property with virtual impunity.

The Gaza Strip remained under an Israeli military blockade that imposed collective punishment on its inhabitants.

The authorities continued to demolish Palestinian homes in the West Bank and inside Israel, particularly in Bedouin villages in the Negev/Naqab region, forcibly evicting their residents. (Two of these cases are currently under way)

Let’s take this in stages.

Firstly, assassinations — what Amnesty’s report calls “unlawful killings”: about 15,000 Palestinians have been killed “unlawfully” by Israel since 1967. Among them were 2,000 two children.

 

Part 7. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage

The Rejection of Palestinian Self-Determination

Part 6. How Israel in 1948 committed Ethnic Cleansing of Palestinians, about 400,000 within days in first stage

Who Started the War in 1948?

Israeli constant Aggression on village of Umm al-Kheir “Mother of Goodness”, a Palestinian Bedouin Community

November 24th, 2017

Eid Suleiman Hathaleen’s job is to locate unexploded mines in the rugged hills in the southern part of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. His life at home is, however, much more stressful.

Eid, thirty-four, lives in Umm al-Kheir, a small Palestinian hamlet south of Hebron.

For years, Umm al-Kheir has been under attack by both the Israeli army and Israeli settlers from the nearby settlement of Carmel. Recently, the situation has worsened considerably.

A House Demolition, 2014

(Just a house demolition? Since 1967, 50,000 homes and Palestinian structures were demolished. Israel is perpetrating incremental genocide and ethnic cleansing of Palestinias)

“2016 was the worst year in the history of Umm al-Kheir,” Eid says. “They came to demolish our homes 4 times that year alone.”

According to OCHA, Israeli occupation authorities have come to the village for demolitions on twenty separate occasions since 2007. The data shows that since 2011, thirty-two structures have been destroyed.

Some of the demolitions would be ridiculous, if they were not so tragic.

In October 2014, the village’s traditional oven was demolished after a protracted battle that began when an Israeli couple complained that the smoke emanating from the structure was a health hazard to them and their children.

“The settlers laughed when it was demolished,” says Tariq. “The people of Umm al-Kheir offered to turn off the oven, if we could have access to electricity. But that was rejected. We told them that if we had a permit for an oven, we would build a proper one. Again they said no.”

The bread prepared in the oven was a staple of the villagers’ diet. Now, they are forced to buy their bread elsewhere, an expense the impoverished community can ill afford.

Tariq in front of the oven, the settlement Carmel can be seen in the background
Credit: Cody O’Rourke

Tariq’s own family has not been spared from the demolitions. In June 2013, soldiers confiscated a makeshift toilet built for his disabled brother Muhammad, who had previously been urinating and defecating in a river bed.

Tariq’s mother’s house has also been demolished on two occasions; she now lives in a caravan donated by the European Union.

The small metal shack offers only minimal protection from the elements. “These things are like umbrellas,” Tariq says. “It blocks the sun and the rain, but it’s freezing in the winter and hot in the summer.”

Tariq’s brother, Bilal, built his own home in the village. When he came home from work one day in 2014, it was gone. Only the concrete floor remained, as well as the markings that indicated where the walls had stood. It looked like a floorplan.

The remains of Tariq’s house
Credit: Richard Hardigan

Eid has recounted the stories of the demolitions many times, and lists the statistics without much visible emotion.

Only when he talks about his children do his eyes well up. “My daughters suffer so much from the demolitions. I suffer because they suffer,” he says. “Everybody is so afraid. Women. Children. The cloud has covered everybody.”

Eid deals with this persistent violence in an unique way – by making small sculptures. Since he was twelve-years-old, he has used scraps of metal and plastic to build miniature models of jeeps, bulldozers, and helicopters.

He has even exhibited his work internationally. “While in real life, these vehicles represent the oppressive Israeli occupation,” Eid writes on his website, “in my work, I render them back into a constructive element that can be appreciated again for their positive use.”

The Future

There is little doubt the bulldozers are going to arrive at some point again, in the near future.

A map produced by the Israeli human rights organization Bimkom indicates that almost every building in Umm al-Kheir has a pending demolition order.

Map of Umm al-Kheir, showing the pending demolition orders
Credit: Cody O’Rourke

Soldiers arrived recently with the intent, the villagers believe, of selecting homes for demolition.

On October 18, Tariq watched as a truck carrying two bulldozers passed Umm al-Kheir. The Israelis were on their way to the nearby village of Khirbat Halawa, where they demolished two buildings. Even then, the villagers of Umm al-Kheir were still afraid.

“We expected them to come to Umm al-Kheir on their way back,” says Tariq.

To raise awareness about their situation, Tariq and Eid have begun inviting foreign activists to stay in the village overnight. “We know that will not stop the army,” says Tariq, “but hopefully the world will find out what is going on here.”

Even internationals are not safe from the violence of Camel’s settlers, however. In September, they attacked an activist who was protesting their stone-throwing activities, breaking his hand.

Though Umm al-Kheir’s fate is tied up with the settler-colonialism created by the Israeli occupation, and institutionalized by the Oslo Accords, Eid’s focus is on his village. “We don’t care about the Oslo Accords,” he says. “We only care about the daily life. Just leave my land alone.”

[1] Ben Ehrenreich, The Way to the Spring: Life and Death in Palestine, (New York: Penguin, 2016).

Part 5. Ten Myths on Israel: Not how a “Democratic State” behave (by Ian Pappe)

No, Israel Is Not a Democracy

The Occupation Is Not Democratic

By lan Pappe

From Ten Myths About Israel, out now from Verso Books.

June 12, 2018 “Information Clearing House” –  Israel is not the only democracy in the Middle East. In fact, it’s not a democracy at all.

In the eyes of many Israelis and their supporters worldwide — even those who might criticize some of its policies — Israel is, at the end of the day, a benign democratic state, seeking peace with its neighbors, and guaranteeing equality to all its citizens.

Those who do criticize Israel assume that, if anything went wrong in this democracy, then it was due to the 1967 war.

The Occupation Is Not Democratic

Given Israel attitude towards two Palestinian groups — the refugees and the community in Israel — the Jewish state cannot, by any stretch of the imagination, be assumed to be a democracy.

But the most obvious challenge to that assumption is the ruthless Israeli attitude towards a third Palestinian group: those who have lived under its direct and indirect rule since 1967, in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip.

From the legal infrastructure put in place at the outset of the war, through the unquestioned absolute power of the military inside the West Bank and outside the Gaza Strip, to the humiliation of millions of Palestinians as a daily routine, the “only democracy” in the Middle East behaves as a dictatorship of the worst kind.

The main Israeli response, diplomatic and academic, to the latter accusation is that all these measures are temporary — they will change if the Palestinians, wherever they are, behave “better.”

But if one researches, not to mention lives in, the occupied territories, one will understand how ridiculous these arguments are.

Israeli policy makers, as we have seen, are determined to keep the occupation alive for as long as the Jewish state remains intact.

It is part of what the Israeli political system regards as the status quo, which is always better than any change. Israel will control most of Palestine and, since it will always include a substantial Palestinian population, this can only be done by nondemocratic means.

In addition, despite all the evidence to the contrary, the Israeli state claims that the occupation is an enlightened one.

The myth here is that Israel came with good intentions to conduct a benevolent occupation but was forced to take a tougher attitude because of the Palestinian violence.

In 1967, the government treated the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as a natural part of “Eretz Israel,” the land of Israel, and this attitude has continued ever since.

When you look at the debate between the right- and left-wing parties in Israel on this issue, their disagreements have been about how to achieve this goal, not about its validity.

Among the wider public, however, there was a genuine debate between what one might call the “redeemers” and the “custodians.

The “redeemers” believed Israel had recovered the ancient heart of its homeland and could not survive in the future without it. In contrast, the “custodians” argued that the territories should be exchanged for peace with Jordan, in the case of the West Bank, and Egypt in the case of the Gaza Strip.

However, this public debate had little impact on the way the principal policy makers were figuring out how to rule the occupied territories.

The worst part of this supposed “enlightened occupation” has been the government’s methods for managing the territories. At first the area was divided into “Arab” and potential “Jewish” spaces. Those areas densely populated with Palestinians became autonomous, run by local collaborators under a military rule. This regime was only replaced with a civil administration in 1981.

The other areas, the “Jewish” spaces, were colonized with Jewish settlements and military bases. This policy was in the end to leave the population both in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in disconnected enclaves with neither green spaces nor any possibility for urban expansion.

Things only got worse when, very soon after the occupation, Gush Emunim started settling in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, claiming to be following a biblical map of colonization rather than the governmental one. As they penetrated the densely populated Palestinian areas, the space left for the locals was shrunk even further.

What every colonization project primarily needs is land — in the occupied territories this was achieved only through the massive expropriation of land, deporting people from where they had lived for generations, and confining them in enclaves with difficult habitats.

When you fly over the West Bank, you can see clearly the cartographic results of this policy: belts of settlements that divide the land and carve the Palestinian communities into small, isolated, and disconnected communities.

The Judaization belts separate villages from villages, villages from towns, and sometime bisect a single village.

This is what scholars call a geography of disaster, not least since these policies turned out to be an ecological disaster as well: drying up water sources and ruining some of the most beautiful parts of the Palestinian landscape.

Moreover, the settlements became hotbeds in which Jewish extremism grew uncontrollably — the principal victims of which were the Palestinians.

Thus, the settlement at Efrat has ruined the world heritage site of the Wallajah Valley near Bethlehem, and the village of Jafneh near Ramallah, which was famous for its freshwater canals, lost its identity as a tourist attraction.

These are just two small examples out of hundreds of similar cases.


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