Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘south Lebanon

Cruelty to mankind and nature?

Why the Decline in demography? Is it because of loss of hope for any future?

Note: Re-edit of “History revisited: Decline or loss of hope? (Part 2, Apr. 21, 2010)”

In the previous article I wrote:

History is a collection of stories that need to be revisited frequently; stories to be revised with new eyes and new knowledge, since human behavior did not change perceptibly.  If any, human cruelty to mankind and nature increased by several notches.”

In general, history stories are recounted Hollywood-style, packed with actions, heroes, traitors, smart generals, and far-sighted leaders and monarchs.

Empires decline due to steady decrease in demography.

The Muslim Ibn Khaldoun, in 15th century North Africa and considered to be the first sociologist and ethnographer, wrote that when a people lose hope for a better future to their descendants they decrease the procreation rate and in periods of high hope population increases.”

If you revise history stories, you can link, with high positive correlation, between periods of luxury and fast and increase in procreation.

It is basically a mass perception of predicting the short-term evolution for survival.

For example, France was the most populous nation in Europe in the 18th century until people started reducing procreation, which affected the process of holding on to colonies.

The Napoleonic wars exacerbated this perception of instability and insecurity. It was useless giving birth so that children are sent to wars for no return in profit or hope of a better future.

You might offer a counterpoint: “How come after 70 years of slow and steady holocaust process, inflicted by the Zionist movement (Israel State) on the Palestinian people, this strategy did not slow the increased procreation of the Palestinians?”

My conjecture is that most Palestinians live in camps: Camp life would be too depressing if devoid of kids playing, laughing, and cheering up the camp.  The more kids are playing around, the more hope is sustained.

Camp life creates community supports, and the discrepancies among classes are not noticeable to prevent sharing the little that families have, and to caring for kids of neighboring families.

Another example relates to demography in South Lebanon.

Even during the French mandate to Lebanon (1919-1943) the Zionist movement planned and schemed to extend the northern borders of the future implanted colony of States of Israel (recognized in 1948) to the Litany River.

The successive Lebanese governments, since Lebanon Independence in 1943, ruled as if South Lebanon was of No concern to them: no funds and no budgets were allocated to infrastructures, schools, hospitals or any kinds of development.

Then, in 1969, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and headed by Yasser Arafat, and with the support of Egypt Gamal Abdel Nasser forced Lebanon to allocate a portion of South Lebanon (Al Arkoub) an autonomous status to the PLO.

Israel was pleased with this new situation and bombed the villages in the south on pretense of reacting to the presence of the PLO.

The “inhabitants” in south Lebanon started to vacate their villages and flocked to the suburbs of Beirut (Al Dahiah).

As the civil war started in 1975, the PLO was ruling as the de facto State in South Lebanon.

Regular mass immigrations of Lebanese Shiaa to Africa and elsewhere set in.

South Lebanon was in the steady process of being depleted of its inhabitants, which should have satisfied Israel’s great dream.

Israel decided on the worst strategic blunder ever: Israel of Begin and Sharon invaded Lebanon in 1982, the Israeli army entered Beirut, and the military wings of the PLO were chased out to Tunis, and thus freeing south Lebanon from the hold of the PLO.

Israel resumed its blunder and decided to occupy south Lebanon for 25 years.

That is how purely Lebanese Resistance to occupation from many political parties started in full fledged. The Islamic regime of Khomeini in Iran extended new religious zeal, an ideology, organization, training and arming a Shiia splintered faction of AMAL named Hezbollah.

The tide had turned.  Israel was forced to vacate south Lebanon unilaterally in 2000.  The Lebanese returned to their villages with greater hope in the future.

Israel tried another attempt in 2006 to chase out Lebanese from the south during an intensive and savage 33 days preemptive war.

Israel covered the land with over 3 millions cluster bombs imported from Tony Blair of England.  The purpose was to scare people off from returning to the south.

The day the UN declared cease-fire, people returned the same day to the south and not waiting from the government to declare the trip safe.

Makeshift bridges were erected (Israel had bombed out all bridges and highways) and where cars and trucks could not cross, then walking was as good a means of transport.

Currently, the border villages in Lebanon are witnessing boom in tourism and tourist facilities, yards away from Israeli tanks and border patrols.  The tide has turned.

Israel may launch another savage and devastating preemptive war in Lebanon but the game is over: hope in south Lebanon is high for a better future while Israel is experiencing the worst period in lost hope for a stable Israeli State.

Israeli is reverting to its ghetto mentality and holding on to biblical archaic myths and laws.

And had built the Wall of Shame along all its borders: No see, no fear, no aches…

Note: The Shia population in Lebanon is over 50%, and increasing at a higher rate than the other 17 other religious sects.

A short list of Lebanese agents who served Israel’s occupation in South Lebanon

For 25 years, Israel occupied South Lebanon and used many Lebanese to work for maintaining its occupation and humiliation of the people. These agents/traitors tortured and assassinated Lebanese and even in the many prisons, particularly in the Khyam infamous prison.

There are about 3,000 of such agents who fled to Israel after it withdrew without conditions in May 24, 2000. Many obtained Israel passports and settled in other countries. About 250 of them have returned lately to Lebanon, supposedly because their names were erased from the registry of agents and Not facing the judiciary.

Note 1: My strong impression is that those returning are mostly from South Lebanon, and one political party is expecting to win an extra deputy in the next election, if they don’t lose a couple of deputies from their immature scheme. The Lebanese people got outraged at the return of the infamous traitor Amer Fakhoury who ran the Khyam prison and the exaction he submitted the Lebanese prisoners there for many years.

Note 2: We still have many traitors who collaborated with Israel during the civil war and occupation, and they hold political positions in the parliament and the government.

هذه أسماء عملاء اسرائيل الستين الذين يريدون مسحها من قائمة المحاكمة
من هو خلف هذه القضية ……….

انشرو صور العملاء
و كل المعلومات
يتزامن كشف الأسماء مع المعلومات التي تحدّثت أمس عن مسعى يجري في لبنان لتنظيف سجلات 60 عميلًا.

اللائحة الكاملة لهؤلاء العملاء المشطوبة أسماؤهم:

فرج يوسف البرجي ـ والدته جليلة ـ مواليد دير ميماس 6/1/1965 وسكانها رقم السجل 16.
جورج يوسف المرجه ـ والدته جليلة الغندور ـ مواليد دير ميماس 1973 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 16.
فادي حبيب الغفري ـ والدته روز غفري ـ مواليد صيدا 1966 وسكان علما الشعب سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 54 علما الشعب.
طوني ملحم أسعد عنيد ـ والدته المازة أسعد ـ مواليد عيشية 1955 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 100.
جرجس موسى القسيس ـ والدته نزهة ـ مواليد علما الشعب 1951 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 10.
إيلي نايف الشماس ـ والدته بسمة ـ مواليد مجدليون 1965 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 29.
نوال فرنسوا عبود ـ والدتها أمال الخوري ـ مواليد الخيام 22/12/1964 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 29 الخيام الشمالي.
شارل الياس أبو راشد ـ والدته ريا ـ مواليد جزين 1965 ـ رقم السجل 599.
تمام الياس عوض ـ والدتها جميلة ـ مواليد رميش 1958 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم 86.
ربيع اسكندر طانيوس ـ والدته تمام ـ مواليد رميش 1976 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 86.
عامر الياس الفاخوري ـ والدته جوزفين أبو كسم ـ مواليد مرجعيون ـ 1963 ـ رقم السجل 17 / الجديدة/ حي السراي.
تريز فارس عون ـ والدتها مريم ـ مواليد رميش 1969 ـ وسكان ميس الجبل سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 89.
حنا شبيب أسعد الحاج ـ والدته وردة ـ مواليد رميش 1964 ـ رقم السجل 89.
لودي مخايل لوقا ـ والدتها فهدة ـ مواليد دبل 1967 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 134.
هاني يوسف عنتر دياب ـ والدته نجاة خريش ـ مواليد عين أبل 1960 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 43 / الدير.
طوني أسعد نصر ـ والدته دلال عون ـ مواليد العيشية 1975 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 62.
ريمون جميل أبو عزى ـ والدته سعدى ـ مواليد رميش 1964 وسكانها ـ رقم 51.
طانيوس مارون ضاهر ـ والدته توفيقة ـ مواليد درب السيم 1974 وسكان دير ميماس سابقاً (يعرف بطوني) ـرقم السجل 68.
كوزيت ميشال الأشقر ـ والدتها عائدة حداد ـ مواليد دير ميماس 1980 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 68 درب السيم.
كميل حنا حداد ـ والدته وردة ـ مواليد يارون 1959 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 31.
وسيم خليل عون ـ والدته ميلادة يوسف ـ مواليد العيشية 1953 ـ وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 61.
أنطونيت شكري حرفوش ـ والدتها بدر ـ مواليد العيشية 1951 ـ وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 61.
جورج قيصر الزغبي ـ والدته بديعة ـ مواليد مجدل الكورة 1945 ـ رقم السجل 39 / مجدل الكورة.
سامي جورج سليمان الحاصباني ـ والدته معرفة الحرشاوي ـ مواليد دير ميماس 1972 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 17.
بشارة نجيب بشارة ـ والدته جوليات ـ مواليد يارون 1973 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 45.
جاكلين نجيب بشارة ـ والدتها جوليات ـ مواليد يارون 1973 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 45.
حياة منصور منصور ـ والدتها عفيفة سعد ـ مواليد رميش 1974 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 45 يارون.
ميلادة سعد سعد ـ والدتها عفيفة سعد ـ مواليد القليعة 15/12/1977 وسكانها سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 27.
جوجس يوسف الياس ـ والدتها جاكلين الخوري ـ مواليد بكيفا الشوف 1969 وسكان برج الملوك سابقاً ـ رقم السجل 27 بكيفا.
صباح خليل أسعد ـ والدتها ماري زيدوني ـ مواليد عازور 1966 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 245.
انطوان توفيق بو منصور ـ والدته فحطة بو نصار ـ مواليد حيطورة 1961 وسكان جزين ـ رقم السجل 245.
وسام عيسى اللقيس ـ والدته نهاد زعرب ـ مواليد علما الشعب 1971 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 10.
سافيو سعيد جليان ـ والدته منيرفا رزق ـ مواليد القليعة 1964 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 61.
علي غزي فرج ـ والدته زاهرة عباس ـ مواليد بنت جبيل 1981 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 153.
حسن غازي موسى حسن فرج ـ والدته زاهرة عباس ـ مواليد بنت جبيل 1968 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 153.
عماد عدنان العباني ـ والدته عفاف سويد ـ مواليد الخيام 1969 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 140/115.
أحمد حبيب دباجة ـ والدته رمزية ـ مواليد بنت جبيل 1958 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 276.
عباس علي الميليجي ـ والدته نجيبه عطايا ـ مواليد الناقورة 2/1/1078 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 15.
محمد عمر نبعه ـ والدته مرة ـ مواليد شبعا 1969 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 195.
محمد أحمد سعيد ـ والدته عونا ـ مواليد كفرشوبا 1958 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 72.
ناظم محمد عبد العال ـ والدته فاطمة شبلي ـ مواليد كفر شوبا 1958 وسكان حلتا ـ رقم السجل 5.
أمين كامل ابراهيم ـ والدته مسعودة ـ مواليد كفر حمام 1949 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 64.
علي حسن نجم ـ والدته مريم جمعة ـ مواليد الهبارية 5/4/ 1959 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 78.
علي مصطفى قاسم نبعة ـ والدته آمنة ـ مواليد شبعا 1960 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 154.
أحمد عارف فارس ـ والدته زهية زايد ـ مواليد سريج 1966 وسكان السريرة ـ رقم السجل 4.
أسعد سعيد الشوفي ـ والدته زهية مرداس ـ مواليد شويا 1959 وسكانها ـ رقم 76.
عدنان فارس سليقا ـ والدته كاملة ـ مواليد فرديس 1964 وسكان صيدا ـ حارة صيدا ـ رقم 15.
وسام هني بدر ـ والدته نبيهة ـ مواليد حاصبيا 1978 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 347.
سامر علي أبو ترابي ـ والدته أكابر أبو سعد ـ مواليد حاصبيا 4/1/1971 وسكانها ـ رقم السجل 18.
نجلاء الشحرور (سورية) ، مواليد 1969.

#افضح_عميل
#محكمة_الشعب

Coby Maroum: Retired Israel General dissecting the causes for withdrawing from South Lebanon in May 24, 2000

Coby Maroum is Jacob Moyal, a Morocco citizen from Meknass, born in 1960 and moved with his family in 1963.

Note: Israel withdrew without any pre-conditions or negotiation after occupying the land in south Lebanon for 18 years.

The withdrawal was programmed for July, but Hezbollah advanced many hundreds of its fighters beyond the Red Line, a move that forced the SLA “Southern Lebanese army”, constituted with Lebanese mercenaries under the total control of Israel, to retreat. Israel had no time to bring in fresh troops. Thus, the decision to advance the retreat to May 24.

Israel didn’t want to inform its ally SLA of its decision to withdraw, or the imminent date, as a “precaution from internal agents”.

Israel expected that the SLA will remain cohesive long enough in order to pressure Lebanon for negotiating a price for the withdrawal. The SLA disbanded the same day and its members lined up to cross the borders with Israel.

Israel expected from this sudden withdrawal that Hezbollah will commit atrocities in revenge. It never happened: Hezbollah and the Shia Amal movement refrained from even entering towns until the regular Lebanese army was deployed.

(Mind you the the French resistance assassinated 10,000 cooperating French with Germany in a couple of days. Thousands of girls had their head shaved in front of crowds).

Many Lebanese returned from Israel, got lenient punishment and live in their hometown. Those who remained in Israel had committed unforgivable atrocities: They and their offspring joined Israel army, adding a bunch of mercenaries.

الجنرال الصهيوني المتقاعد كوبي ماروم مشرحاً انتصار العام 2000 وتداعياته

2018/06/05 – 12:03:13pm   

بمناسبة الذكرى الثامنة عشرة لاندحار العدو عن لبنان، وتحقيق حلم التحرير والانتصار، نشر الجنرال الصهيوني المتقاعد “كوبي ماروم” مقالاً مهماً، في صحيفة يديعوت احرونوت العبرية، عرض فيه بعض الخفايا والتفاصيل التي تُبرز مدى قوة الانتصار الذي حققته المقاومة في لبنان ومدى تأثير ذلك على الكيان الغاصب، ونظريته في الردع والدور الذي لعبه انتصار لبنان في تحفيز الانتفاضة الفلسطينية.

في الأسبوع الماضي، شهدنا ذكرى مرور 18 سنة على الانسحاب من لبنان. وكشخص خدم هناك لعقود من الزمن، متنقلاً من جندي مقاتل الى عضو في قيادة لواء غولاني ثم كقائد للقطاع الشرقي في التسعينيات، أرى أنه من الجيد دراسة العملية وآثارها الاستراتيجية، وأعتقد ان الوقت الآن مناسب لفهم الوضع في مرتفعات الجولان والجليل وجنوبي لبنان.
شجاعة باراك:
بداية أرى أن القرار الذي اتخذه آنذاك رئيس الوزراء ووزير الدفاع إيهود باراك بالانسحاب من جانب واحد كان دراماتيكياً لكنه كان شجاعاً وصحيحاً ومناسباً، في ظل ظروف دقيقة وتحت قيود صعبة، لا سيما معارضة القيادة العسكرية. والحقيقة أن محاولة التوصل إلى اتفاق (حول الانسحاب) مع السوريين، وبالتالي مع لبنان، لم تنجح، كل ذلك جعل خطة الانسحاب معقدة وتنفيذها أشد تعقيدًا.
قاد باراك [يومها]ٍ تحركاً دبلوماسياً مهماً في مجلس الأمن على أساس أن الانسحاب سيتم تحت غطاء الأمم المتحدة ما يضفي الشرعية على الخطوة “الإسرائيلية” بصفتها استكمال للقرار الدولي 425، وينزع بذلك حجة حزب الله في “مقاومة المحتل الصهيوني”. وهي الحجة التي زادت من القوة السياسية للمنظمة “الإرهابية”!! في البلاد، وبالتالي سيفقد حزب الله أي مبرر على الصعيد الدولي لاستمراره في محاربة “إسرائيل”، وعلى الصعيد اللبناني الداخلي أيضاً.
نستطيع القول أن تلك الخطوة [الانسحاب] فاجأت حزب الله من نواح عديدة وخلقت واقعاً سياسياً معقداً بالنسبة له.

ليلة تحطم الطوافات:
بدأت الظروف المؤدية إلى الانسحاب قبل ذلك بفترة، وبالتحديد في ليلة شتاء باردة ومظلمة في الرابع من فبراير/شباط من العام 1997، عندما تحطمت مروحيتان من طراز “ياسور” فوق موشاف شير – يشوف [فوق سهل الحولة في القسم الشرقي من الجليل المحتل] وكانتا في طريقهما إلى لبنان. وبالنسبة لي، بصفتي قائد هؤلاء الجنود الـ73 الذين سقطوا في هذه الكارثة وكقائد للقطاع الشرقي في لبنان، كانت تلك أطول ليلة في حياتي وأكثرها صعوبة. لا توجد مدرسة تدريب، ولا حتى “جيش الدفاع الإسرائيلي” أو أي مكان آخر، يمكن أن يؤهلك للتعامل مع مثل هذه الخسارة الضخمة، هي ليلة اختبار هائل للقيادة وذاكرة مشتعلة مستمرة.
من الواضح الآن للجميع أن هذا الحدث كان حافزًا لاتخاذ قرار الانسحاب من لبنان من جانب واحد. كانت تلك الكارثة صدمة كبيرة للغاية على المستوى الوطني، إلى درجة أنها قادت المجتمع في “إسرائيل” والقيادة أيضاً للتعامل بجدية مع أسئلة جادة لأول مرة حول مدى ضرورة وجود المنطقة الأمنية والثمن المؤلم والمرتفع الذي ندفعه للاحتفاظ بها.

“الامهات الاربع” على حق:
دعت حركة “الأمهات الأربع”، التي تأسست بعد الكارثة، إلى انسحاب فوري للجيش من لبنان.
أنا شخصياً يومها أمرت بإرسال آلاف المقاتلين إلى لبنان، واعترضت على احتجاجهن ولا سيما على بعض التصريحات التي رافقت تحركهن. لكن رأيي اليوم مختلف تماماً. لقد قدن، هؤلاء النساء الأربع، احتجاجًا تحدى مفهوم الأمن الإسرائيلي في المنطقة الأمنية، وواجهن استجابات مزعجة وغامضة من قادتنا.
القيادة العسكرية نظرت إلى الاحتجاج على أنه يشكل نقطة ضعف في المجتمع “الإسرائيلي” الذي قبل التحدي في لبنان، من دون أن تدرك هذه القيادة أنه كان عملية تغيّر عميقة في مجتمع بدأ يطرح أسئلة حول جدوي قتال طويل الأمد: ما هي مبرراته؟، وما هو ثمنه؟
لكن حركة الأمهات الأربع تابعت احتجاجها، وتمت تغطيتها من قبل عدد من الصحفيين والمراسلين الإعلاميين الذين ساندوا مطلب العودة إلى الحدود الدولية [الانسحاب].
بين تموز وأيار:
بعد كل تلك الارهاصات غدا من المقرر أن يتم الانسحاب في يوليو/تموز 2000، ولكن في خطوة مفاجئة، قام حزب الله عملانياً بنقل الآلاف من مؤيديه الشيعة إلى ما وراء “الخط الأحمر” في المنطقة الأمنية في أيار/مايو من ذلك العام، ليطيح بجيش “لبنان الجنوبي”!! بأكمله من دون إطلاق رصاصة واحدة. وكان وقع المفاجأة كبيراً بحيث لم يسمح بجلب ألوية عدة من الجيش “الإسرائيلي” من أجل تثبيت الامر الواقع ونشر الأمن. حينها قرر باراك ورئيس الأركان الانسحاب على وجه السرعة وفي غضون 48 ساعة. لكن ذلك لم يمر دون أن ندفع ثمناً كبيراً.
الثمن الكبير:

الثمن الكبير:
كانت صور انسحابنا من لبنان غير مريحة لنا، عند نقلها عبر الاعلام. وتم توثيق قيام حزب الله بالاستيلاء على معدات جيش “الدفاع الإسرائيلي” حتى عند الحدود الدولية.
وفي مشهد موازٍ وقف الآلاف من أعضاء “جيش لبنان الجنوبي” في طوابير لا نهاية لها عند المعابر الحدودية للهروب الى “اسرائيل”.
في رأيي، كان هناك سوء تقدير واضح لمدى ضرر هذه الصور وشدة وقعها، لأنها لن تخلق الشعور بالهروب والهزيمة وكي الوعي عند “الاسرائيليين” فحسب، بل ستؤثّر أيضا على “لاعبين آخرين” في المنطقة.
اللاعب الأول كان الجمهور الفلسطيني، الذي أطلق بعد حوالي عام ونصف العام “الانتفاضة الثانية”. وهناك أخرون في الشرق الأوسط نظرت إلى الأمر قائلة: “الإسرائيليون يهربون من لبنان لأنهم لا يفهمون الا لغة القوة”.
جيش “لبنان الجنوبي”
وقف جيش “لبنان الجنوبي” لعقود إلى جانب قوات الدفاع “الإسرائيلية” في المنطقة الأمنية، لكن قرار ابعاده عن فكرة الانسحاب وجداوله الزمنية كان مبرراً على خلفية الخوف من “الخرق” الاستخباراتي الكبير داخله.
ومن ناحية أخرى، كان التفكير في أن جيش “لبنان الجنوبي” سيصمد في هذه الظروف حتى لا تفشل خطة الانسحاب كان خطأ فادحًا، لأنه وبمجرد أن نقل جيش “الدفاع الإسرائيلي” مواقعه الأمامية إلى جيش “لبنان الجنوبي” وعندما فهم عناصره أن “إسرائيل” تغادر المنطقة، بدأوا بالفرار والتفكك، ما سمح لحزب الله بالاستيلاء على المنطقة الأمنية وتفكيكها برمتها.
لقد اعتنت دولتنا بالآلاف من أعضاء هذا الجيش، وانفقنا مبالغ كبيرة من المال في التزام أخلاقي تجاه أولئك الذين قاتلوا إلى جانبنا وعلى حدودنا الشمالية، ودفعنا معاً ثمناً كبيراً، بشرياً وبشرياً، لذلك علينا اليوم مواصلة مساعدة هؤلاء الناس. بدل نشر صورهم القاسية على بوابات الحدود الشمالية لـ”إسرائيل”.
فرصة استراتيجية ضائعة
إلى جانب القرار الصحيح والشجاع بالانسحاب، كانت هناك فرصة استراتيجية ضائعة. كان ينبغي أن يكون التحرك الأحادي الجانب من قبلنا [الانسحاب]، والاتفاق مع الأمم المتحدة، وقرار مجلس الأمن التابع للأمم المتحدة بأن تكمل “إسرائيل” الانسحاب بموجب القرار 425، أداة لتغيير قواعد اللعبة على الحدود الشمالية وبناء ردع فعال من جانبنا.
كل ذلك ذهب أدراج الرياح وأظهر أن سياسة “إسرائيل” للضبط والاحتواء كانت خاطئة، ونابعة من رغبة زائفة في تجنب فتح جبهة أخرى موازية للانتفاضة الفلسطينية الثانية. وتجلى ذلك في اختطاف الجنود الثلاثة في هاردوف في 7 أكتوبر/تشرين الأول 2000(*)، وهجوم مستوطنة ميتسوفا في مارس/آذار 2002(**).
لقد سمحت سياستنا هذه لحزب الله وللإيرانيين بإقامة “دولة” إرهابية!! ذات سيادة في جنوب لبنان ثم تعزيزها، عند الحدود الدولية المعترف بها من قبل الأمم المتحدة. كما أدت نتائج حرب لبنان الثانية [2006] والقرار 1701 إلى تعزيز هذا الواقع الذي سمح ببناء ترسانة أسلحة ضخمة لها هدف استراتيجي واضح، وهو ردع “إسرائيل” عن مهاجمة المواقع النووية الإيرانية.
خطر يتنامى
عندما دخل حزب الله اللعبة السياسية بقوة في لبنان عام 2009 عبر انتخابات عامة، واجهنا واقعاً معقداً يضمر لنا التهديد: فلبنان تحت سيطرة منظمة “إرهابية” إيرانية شيعية!! تمتلك آلاف الصواريخ والقذائف، والكثير منها يهدد المواقع الاستراتيجية في “إسرائيل”.
نعم، من المستحيل تجاهل الإنجاز الإستراتيجي لسنوات من الهدوء والردع على الحدود اللبنانية، لكن في المقابل لا تزال الصواريخ تتربص بنا من هناك.
إن سياستنا في ضبط النفس غير صائبة. كان علينا الرد على أحداث هاردوف [مزارع شبعا] وميتسوفا [شلومي]، بدعم شرعي داخلي ودولي، لأن ذلك كان يمكن أن يخلق واقعاً مختلفاً بردع أكثر فاعلية، ومن شأنه أن يمنع تدهور الامور الى ما شهدناه في حرب لبنان الثانية [2006]. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، فإن اتفاق سياسي غير الذي حصل بعد حرب الـ 2006 كان من الممكن أن يحبط، بلا أي لبس، عملية تقوية حزب الله وإيران في لبنان على مر السنين.
مراجعة ضرورية
بعد عقدين من الزمن على انسحابنا من لبنان، حان الوقت لإجراء بحث عام، واسع النطاق وجدي، في المجتمع “الإسرائيلي” حول السنوات التي تم نسيانها في لبنان.
على مدى عقد ونصف العقد، شارك عشرات الآلاف من الجنود في حرب استنزاف صعبة ومؤلمة، مع قدر كبير من العبث الإستراتيجي، بثمن لا يُطاق، بدون طائل ودون أي انتصار، مثل الحرب الأخرى المنسية على ضفاف قناة السويس في أواخر الستينات وأوائل السبعينات من القرن الماضي.
لقد حان الوقت للمجتمع “الإسرائيلي” أن يعرب عن تقديره وشكره لعشرات الآلاف من الجنود الذين قاتلوا “إرهابيي” حزب الله حفاظاً على أمن شمال البلاد. وهذا الاعتراف سيعطي بعض الراحة لعائلات القتلى وللجنود المنسحبين، وربما يعبر عن تقدير للكثيرين ممن يحملون ندوب تلك الحرب المستمرة في أرواحهم وأجسادهم. وهذا بالنسبة لي هو التزام أخلاقي للجيش والمجتمع.
نعم كانت حرب لبنان مهمة ومؤثرة. ويجب ألاّ ننسى فضل رئيس الأركان الراحل أمنون شاحاك، الذي فهم أن مسألة محاربة حزب الله كمنظمة حرب عصابات، تطرح علينا تحديات معقدة، ويجب أن يكون جيش “الدفاع الإسرائيلي” مستعدًا. وقد فعل الكثير لتحقيق ذلك. وقد أنتجت لنا حرب لبنان جيلاً من القادة، بما في ذلك أعضاء في قيادة الأركان العامة حالياً.
الثمن والحرب القادمة
وضعت الحرب في لبنان “مسألة الثمن” الذي سندفعه على بساط البحث في المجتمع “الإسرائيلي”، وهي مسألة كان يُنظر إليها قبلاً على أنها غير ضرورية.
لقد تم اختبار “مسألة الثمن” بشكل متكرر في السنوات الأخيرة، في لبنان على وجه الخصوص، وفي الساحة الشمالية بشكل عام، وفي المواجهات في قطاع غزة.
إن الخوف من وقوع ضحايا في القتال يشكل “سلسلة قابضة”على عنق القيادة عندما يتعلق الأمر باتخاذ قرارات صعبة، وسيبقى يعتمد على المفاجآت التي لا تزال تنتظرنا.
من خلال تجاربي في لبنان أعرف أن المقاتلين الذين سقطوا كان يمكن أن يخدموا في “قواعد خلفية” في ظروف مريحة، لكنهم تطوعوا للعمل في أكثر المهام صعوبة وخطورة، في “الشقيف” و”الريحان” و”السلوقي”، ضد معاقل حزب الله ومقاتليه.
هم سقطوا خلال تأدية مهمات في لبنان، فغدوا لنا منارة أخلاقية ورسالة تحفزنا للمساهمة في جيش “الدفاع الإسرائيلي” وفي الدولة، التي يجب أن تكون قدوة أمام الجيل الشاب الذي يحمل شعلة الأمن.
لا تزال تحديات الساحة الشمالية متقدمة ويجب أن نعترف بالحرب المنسية في لبنان. ومن المطلوب أن نعترف بالآثار الاستراتيجية الهائلة للقرار المتعلق بالانسحاب ومعالجتها والحد من تداعياتها. ويجب أن ندرك الحاجة الحيوية لسياسة طويلة الأجل على حدودنا الشمالية، وأهمية الصورة النهائية لأي حرب قادمة. فمن الضروري أن نفهم مدى أهمية نتيجةٍ واضحة لا لبس فيها لـ”إسرائيل”، يمكن ترجمتها إلى إنجازات استراتيجية.
لا تزال التحديات في الجبهة الشمالية قائمة بجدية، وهي استحقاق سوف يأتي بلا شك.
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هوامش:
(*) إشارة الى عملية خطف جنود العدو من قبل حزب الله في مزارع شبعا المحتلة.
(**) إشارة الى عملية شلومي التي قام بها مجاهدان من حركة الجهاد الإسلامي، وهما: غسان محمد الجدع (21 عاماً) من مخيم المية ومية، ومحمد مصطفى عبد الوهاب (22 عاماً) من مخيم شاتيلا، اللذان تسللا الى شمالي فلسطين من لبنان ونفذّا عملية نوعية في مغتصبة شلومي، رداً على جرائم العدو المتواصلة، إثر ارتقاء 31 شهيداً في جباليا ورام الله، إبان انتفاضة الأقصى المبارك التي اندلعت في أيلول/سبتمبر من العام 2000 ويومها أعلن العدو عن مصرع ستة من جنوده ومستوطنيه.
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Not First massive Garbage Crisis: In all of Lebanon

Hang on Youth movements.  Never settle for an immediate short-term solution to Beirut’s garbage crisis.

The governments in Lebanon work on short-term solutions for all the problems: Garbage, electricity, water, education, social health systems… Not a single medium-term project was carried out.

In 2012, the garbage crisis in the south particularly affected Palestinian communities living in informal settlements, so-called “gatherings.”

After the closure of the Ras al-Ain dump (an area rich in water sources) a new recycling factory was eventually opened at Ain el-Baal.

The new plant was under-capacitated from the start and reluctant to accept waste from Palestinian communities, who do not pay taxes and do not fall under municipal service mandates. 

Andrew Bossone shared this link

The need to focus on “rights of citizenship.”

Why not settle for an immediate short-term solution to Beirut’s garbage crisis?
What lessons can be learned from past trashy politics?
www.washingtonpost.com

Heaps of garbage that rot in the summer heat pockmarking crowded residential areas—poisoning the air and polluting the soil, causing respiratory diseases and fuelling fears of cholera.

A woman unable to ventilate her tiny, sweltering apartment, angrily lamenting that the waste now piling up to the veranda brings pests, smells and infections.

Beirut, 2015?

No: south Lebanon, 2012.

While the scale of the current garbage crisis scourging Beirut is unprecedented, the phenomenon of protracted waste management problems is certainly not—a fact that seems to have escaped the abundant commentaries on the present crisis.

Yet, commentators and protesters alike have much to learn from the lessons of previous crises. In particular, the demonstrators that now rightfully link Beirut’s trash management problems to the erosion of state and citizenship would do well to take into account the experiences of non-citizens dealing with the governance dynamics of waste predicaments.

The parallels between the current trash crisis in Beirut and the waste crisis that befell south Lebanon’s Palestinian refugee communities in 2012 — analyzed in detail in a recent article in Conflict, Security & Development — are particularly telling.

Exactly because they lacked citizenship and the related service entitlements, Palestinian refugees were forced to play by the informal and politicized rules of local authorities and to accept quick-fix solutions that only entrenched their vulnerability and their dependence on corrupt politicians.

Lebanese citizens should avoid this trap and rebuff the temptations of narrow, short-term “solutions.”

As protesters have started to call for a clean up of the government as well as the streets, no one doubts that Beirut’s trash crisis is about governance and politics as much as it is about waste.

Claims for representation and citizenship are now at the core of the upheaval and it is broadly acknowledged that “the rubbish crisis lies at the heart” of Lebanon’s post-war state.

This recognition alone, however, does not thwart the risk that the movement will collapse under either political co-optation or individual complacency.

Indeed, the movement has already split between pragmatists looking for a practical and immediate solution to the waste crisis — the original #YouStink initiative — and others demanding a more fundamental revolution — such as the #WeWantAccountability group.

While these demands are inherently related, south Lebanon’s 2012 crisis shows that the reality of the country might very well make these demands mutually exclusive.

As strategically enticing as clear-cut bread-and-butter issues might be, previous crises show that the only viable option is focusing the current upheaval on more comprehensive, and inevitably more elusive, issues such as stateness and citizenship.

The origins of both the ongoing waste crisis in Beirut and the 2012 crisis in south Lebanon lie in a governmental impasse caused by political infighting over lucrative deals.

This deadlock was made acute by the foreseen-but-ignored closure of major regional dump sites (the Ras al Ain landfill in the south and the Naameh fill for Beirut).

The implications of the garbage crises are similar in both cases, too. As noted, Beirut’s current trash predicaments are directly and increasingly linked to failures in governance.

Garbage has been widely cast as the “perfect metaphor” for the rot of Lebanon’s chronically dysfunctional political system. The crisis makes citizens of Beirut wonder who speaks and provides for them — in essence, who represents them.

In 2012, the garbage crisis in the south particularly affected Palestinian communities living in informal settlements, so-called “gatherings.” After the closure of the Ras al-Ain dump a new recycling factory was eventually opened at Ain el-Baal. The new plant was under-capacitated from the start and reluctant to accept waste from Palestinian communities, who do not pay taxes and do not fall under municipal service mandates.

While this problem was eventually solved for the UNRWA camps, Palestinian communities living outside these camps were initially excluded from the deal. As with the current crisis in Beirut, this raised pertinent questions of mandate, entitlement and representation for the Palestinians of the gatherings.

Because they fell outside the citizenship-based mandate of the state as well as the camp-based mandate of UNRWA, residents of Lebanon’s Palestinian gatherings had to accept ad hoc solutions such as illegal dumping under the name of sympathetic municipalities.

Their eventual access to the new factory, allegedly brokered by Amal Party leader Nabih Berri, constituted de facto access to the facility but did not recognize the Palestinians’ right to such services, even as paying customers.

The refugees’ coping mechanisms and the eventual “solution” they were offered in fact set a wicked precedent against structural institutional arrangements and entrenched the communities’ dependence on informal ‘connections’ and politicized deals.

Refugee representatives were quite aware that the 2012 arrangement would not help them when the next waste crisis hits their community, which seems imminent now that the closure of other dump sites in the Tyre area is once again on the agenda.

The crisis in the south was “resolved” in an unsustainable and piecemeal fashion that pitted different categories of residents—citizens, refugees from the camps and inhabitants of the gatherings—against each other.

Similarly, the government’s current attempts to address the waste crisis in Beirut by dumping waste in more peripheral and marginalized areas, such as Akkar, boils down to regional, which in Lebanon inevitably means sectarian, discrimination. This, inexorably, further undermines the credibility of Lebanese citizenship.

The practical, but short-term and narrow, “solutions” forced on Palestinian gatherings should and can be avoided by the citizens weathering today’s waste crisis in Beirut.

While the cross-confessional nature of the protests and their references to the Arab Spring uprisings are extraordinary, there are also plenty of signs that the regime has been increasingly successful at dealing with the crisis like business as usual.

First, there were the attempts at sectarianization, suggesting that the protests were disproportionately directed against Sunni politicians, and the efforts to sabotage, alleging that demonstrations were infiltrated by hooligans. Then there was the reflex to once more “divide up the cake” of service contracts among businessmen tied to leading politicians.

While the movement has so far withstood these divisive government tactics, the risk that protest fatigue will eventually lead Beirut’s weary population to lower its expectations and resort to survival strategies is all too real.

Even if this would only further invigorate informal networks, corruption and the political class that remains “entrenched and unaccountable,” as it did for south Lebanon’s Palestinian refugees in 2012.

The dire state of Lebanon’s Palestinian gatherings demonstrates the real price of such “self-defeating survival strategies.”

While Palestinians, as refugees, did not have the clout to bring about the institutional and political change that is a prerequisite for reliable, equitable and affordable services, their Lebanese counterparts, as citizens, do.

Never before has such a large segment of Lebanese society “so clearly and publicly” called for the overhaul of the Lebanese political system.

The people demonstrating against Lebanon’s “trashy politics” today need to be steadfast in their demands that services are rights, not privileges and that they are citizens, not clients.

Nora Stel is a research fellow at Maastricht School of Management, a PhD candidate at Utrecht University’s Centre for Conflict Studies and an affiliated scholar at the American University of Beirut’s Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs.

Rola el-Husseini is a researcher with the Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern American Center (MEMEAC) at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center and a non-resident fellow with the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) in Washington, D.C.

Kids burned by phosphorous bombs: Usage not internationally illegal yet?

Here is a story I read of the account of the credible British journalist investigator Robert Fisk, during Israel invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and sealing off the Capital Beirut. He wrote in his book “Affliction of a Nation” (Lebanon civil war from 1975 to 1989):

“I visited the Barbeer Hospital with Terry Anderson as we were making our routine visits to hospital and grave yards for accounting of the fallen dead after savage shelling from land, sea and air. We met on July 21 the tiny female physician Amal Shama3, a graduate of John Hopkins and Duke University. This hospital has “welcomed” 200 dead casualties from June 4 to July 10 and was being frequently shelled by Israeli army.

Amal was confronted with news cases of burns that few physicians were familiar with. She recounts: “I dipped the two twin burned babies of just 5 days old in a bucket in order to extinguish the flame.  Half an hour later, the new-born were still burning.  In the morgue, the kids burned for hours.  Next day, as I held the calcined babies to bury them, and suddenly, their body reignited again.”  Amal accounted for 19 phosphorous burn cases between June 6 and July 29, 1982.

Alia, the mother of the twin, was dispatched to the hospital with 11 members of her family and her was suffering from severe burns, as a shell hit their shanty in the Palestinian camp of Bourj Barajneh and spewed white smoke.  Alia had already lost three other kids and was spitting constantly and the right side of her body was burned and her lungs contained particles of phosphorous,  a sure diagnostic that she is a goner.

Physician Amal said: “The Israelis know this is a hospital, but they kept shelling it for five days, preventing us from exiting the hospital.  We lived in the stench of decaying bodies.”

Amal urged me to find out the kind of chemicals used in these bombs, the phosphorous bombs, so that she might figure out an efficient way of handling these cases of burns, at least a way of putting out the flames emanating from the bodies.

I contacted The Times and Michael Horsenel replied : “Phosphorous have been used since WWI in bomb shells for Howitzer-109 and 150 mm, and hand grenades. The German port of Hamburg in Germany was put aflame during WWII:  The Nazi police force used to shoot the injured civilians in order to alleviate their suffering. These bombs are manufactured in the USA, England, and Germany… The US consider phosphorous bombs as regular ammunition…”

In the afternoon, Terry returned to the office and started typing a letter, awfully angry, tears of despair coming down his cheeks: He had witnessed the death of the 3 year-old Ahmad.  He was mumbling: “By God, why this had to happens?”  Anderson had a 7 year-old daughter and loved children.  Terry wrote: “Ahmad Baytam is 3 year-old and suffering from phosphorous burns.  Ahmad is tied down to bed with thin ropes. Physician Amal Shamaa held the stethoscope on his chest and began pressing with her powerful hands while the attendant nurse blew air in Ahmad mouth.  Ahmad is dead. Amal said: “His lungs were contaminated. He was inhaling phosphorous.”

In June 25, a team of US television crew shot footage of the Babeer Hospital and victims of phosphorous burns, and the hundreds of kids dying of shell splinters. Israel censured the damaging scenes.  The US TV kept blank the censured seconds to demonstrate to viewers that these footage were censured.  From then on, TV crewmen sent their footage via Syria, and three US TV even paid what Syria owed for renting the satellites emission.

Beirut had 600, 000 inhabitants and Israel cut off water and electricity supplies, lying through its teeth that it never did such things as President Reagan and the European community condemned these practices.

In June 27, the Red Cross counted 10,112 civilian victims in Beirut.  Folley, Aftimos and I had  counted 250 dead just in the last two days. (The battle of Beirut would last another two months and the death toll would climb to over 50,000, in Beirut alone the toll was 40,000.  Two weeks earlier, Israel fighter jets dropped special bombs in the city of Saida that pierced the floors of buildings and detonated in basements, where people huddled. The Red Cross accounted for 2,000 civilian dead casualties, mostly women and kids, trapped in basements).

Israel was also using two kinds of cluster bombs on camps and civilian quarters, also delivered by the US administration and the US Navy.  I had sent the identification numbers of the non-detonated cluster bombs to The Times (You may read the issues of July 20, 1982).  There is the cluster bomb targeting tanks and guided by radar and the other kinds that kids played with as they found the metal balls spread on the ground, and ended up getting badly injured, mutilated, or killed. The US has supposedly delivered these bombs to Israel under conditions for usage. For example, targeting tanks and military vehicles…,” (but Israel had the habit of forgetting under which terms military hardware were delivered).

In August 5, Israel bombs targeted a wide range of institution around the Hamra Street, institutions of of all kinds, cultural, hospitals, embassies, dailies… Every 10 seconds, a phosphorous shell would hit the offices of the daily “L’Orient le Jour”, the offices of “American United Press”, the office of the Prime Minister, the headquarter of the Middle-East airline, the Bristol Hotel, the Commodore Hotel, the movie center Piccadilly, the American University Hospital, Jewish synagogues…

In September 1987, I met the US plenipotentiary ambassador to Lebanon Philip Habib during this period, at Ditchly in England, and asked him of Israel barbarity of that day in August 1982, he said: “I was at the Presidential palace in Baabda and watched it all. I called up Sharon he he relied: “What I am saying is not true” I let the phone outside the window for him to listen.  That son of a bitch of Sharon said: “What I am seeing is a virtual scene.  What I am seeing and hearing is not the reality.”

For example, even in July 2006, Israel shelled 2 million cluster bombs in south Lebanon in the last three days as a truce was about to be signed. Israel purpose was to scare people to returning to their homes. Six years later, only a third of these cluster bombs have been detonated and the world community is disheartened of extending more funds for eliminating the “infected areas” and caring for the kids being injured playing with the “lovely bombs”.

In 2009, Israel used phosphorous bombs in Gaza.  Nothing changed in the behavior of Israel acting against human rights and international conventions.

Since 1982, foreign correspondents refrained from accepting Israeli information as credible and valid to be published without further investigation.

Note: Robert Fisk was at the time the correspondent of the London Times in the Middle-East, but used the facilities of the Associated Press to dispatch his reports, every day. He is currently the correspondent of the British daily The Independent.

History revisited: Decline or loss of hope? (Part 2, Apr. 21, 2010)

In the previous article I wrote: “History is a collection of stories that need to be revisited frequently; stories to be revised with new eyes and new knowledge, since human behavior did not change perceptibly.  If any, human cruelty to mankind and nature increased by several notches.”

In general, history stories are recounted Hollywood-style, packed with actions, heroes, traitors, smart generals, and far-sighted leaders and monarchs.  Empires decline due to steady decrease in demography.

The Moslem Ibn Khaldoun, in 15th century North Africa and considered to be the first sociologist and ethnographer, wrote that when a people lose hope for a better future to their descendants they decrease the procreation rate; in periods of high hope population increases.”

If you revise history stories, you can link, with high positive correlation, between periods of luxury and fast and increase in procreation. It is basically a mass perception of predicting the short-term evolution for survival.

For example, France was the most populous nation in Europe in the 18th century until people started reducing procreation, which affected the process of holding on to colonies.  The Napoleonic wars exacerbated this perception of instability and insecurity. It was useless giving birth so that children are sent to wars for no return in profit or hope of a better future.

You might offer a counterpoint: “How come after 70 years of slow and steady holocaust process, inflicted by the Zionist movement (Israel State) on the Palestinian people, this strategy did not slow the increased procreation of the Palestinians?”

My conjecture is that most Palestinians live in camps: Camp life would be too depressing if devoid of kids playing, laughing, and cheering up the camp.  The more kids are playing around the more hope is sustained.

Camp life creates community supports and discrepancies among classes are not noticeable to prevent sharing the little that families have, and to caring for kids of neighboring families.

Another example relates to demography in South Lebanon.  Even during the French mandate to Lebanon (1919-1943) the Zionist movement planned and schemed to extend the northern borders of the future States of Israel (recognized in 1948) to the Litany River.  The successive Lebanese governments, since Lebanon Independence in 1943, ruled as if South Lebanon was of no concern to them: no funds and no budgets were allocated to infrastructures, schools, hospitals or any kinds of development.

Then, in 1969, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and headed by Yasser Arafat, and with the support of Egypt Gamal Abdel Nasser forced Lebanon to allocate a portion of South Lebanon (Al Arkoub) an autonomous status to the PLO.

Israel was pleased with this new situation and bombed the villages in the south on pretense of reacting to the presence of the PLO.

The “inhabitants” in south Lebanon started to vacate their villages and flocked to the suburbs of Beirut (Al Dahiah).

As the civil war started in 1975, the PLO was ruling as the de facto State in South Lebanon. Regular mass immigrations of Lebanese Shiaa to Africa and elsewhere set in. South Lebanon was in the steady process of being depleted of its inhabitants, which should have satisfied Israel’s great dream.

Israel decided on the worst strategic blunder ever: Israel of Begin and Sharon invaded Lebanon in 1982, the Israeli army entered Beirut, and the military wings of the PLO were chased out to Tunis, and thus freeing south Lebanon from the hold of the PLO.  Israel resumed its blunder and decided to occupy south Lebanon for 25 years.

That is how purely Lebanese Resistance to occupation from many political parties started in full fledged. The Islamic regime of Khomeini in Iran extended new religious zeal, an ideology, organization, training and arming a Shiia splintered faction of AMAL named Hezbollah.

The tide had turned.  Israel was forced to vacate south Lebanon unilaterally in 2000.  The Lebanese returned to their villages with greater hope in the future.

Israel tried another attempt in 2006 to chase out Lebanese from the south during an intensive and savage 33 days preemptive war.  Israel covered the land with over 3 millions cluster bombs imported from Tony Blair of England.  The purpose was to scare people off from returning to the south.

The day the UN declared cease-fire people returned the same day to the south and not waiting from the government declaring the trip safe.

Makeshift bridges were erected (Israel had bombed out all bridges and highways) and where cars and trucks could not cross then walking was as good a means of transport.

Currently, the border villages in Lebanon are witnessing boom in tourism and tourist facilities, yards away from Israeli tanks and border patrols.  The tide has turned.

Israel may launch another savage and devastating preemptive war in Lebanon but the game is over: hope in south Lebanon is high for a better future while Israel is experiencing the worst period in lost hope for a stable Israeli State.

Israeli is reverting to its ghetto mentality and holding on to biblical archaic myths and laws. And had built the Wall of Shame along all its borders: No see, no fear, no aches…

Note: The Shiaa population in Lebanon is over 50%, and increasing at a higher rate than the other 17 other religious sects.

A State “out of subject matters” (Lebanon), by Dr. Jamil Berry, (November 9, 2008)

I am reading in French “Le Liban, pays hors sujets?” by Dr. Jamil Berry.

This manuscript is 164 pages, funny, tragic, and within the subject matter.  It is a partial autobiography covering 4 years of a Lebanese surgeon who decided to return from France and practice surgery in 1992, just after Lebanon was getting out of 17 years of civil war.

Dr. Berry, of the Moslem Shiaa sect and from south Lebanon of the town of Tebnine, was absent of Lebanon for 22 years and he arrived in 1992 to share in rebuilding of the medical institutions and surgical staff.  He was first confronted with a pseudo Lebanon of what he had in mind.

It is a story of a State where the higher the mark of luxury of the car and the more sumptuous the palaces, the higher the indication of a personality within the State’s affluence. In the same time, this affluence is inversely proportional in the scale of redundancy.

Jamil Berry was 17 year-old when he landed in Bordeaux, France, to join a medical university. Berry’s French is highly classical but he was extremely unfamiliar with the slang of this nation.  He was under the impression that “bagniol” (car) might imply a girl friend. His French friend invited him to a ride in his bagniol which he used to lend to his father, and clients of his father and which bounces nicely. Jamil first refused the ride with “bagniol”; when Jamil’s friend came for breakfast before going out for the ride Jamil asked him “Why your bagniol is not joining us? Do call up your bagniol”. 

The Classical French language is fraught with polysemism (a word might have several meanings) but the slang is much worse because the root of the word has no relationship with the meaning of the other dozen meanings. For example, “pepins” (seeds) might mean seed, umbrella, minor troubles, redundant objects, and others.

The main characteristic of Downtown Beirut was dust, dust and more dust and heavy-duty vehicles removing debris and crashing down crumbling building.  The Lebanese “citizen” was in a period of classifying in his memory the events, images and horrors that he went through and thus was in a haggard state, confused and mighty serene with his unfocused eyes; a young man bumped the rear of a parked car and the profusion of his excuses meant that he was actually looking intently in front of him but still he didn’t see the car!

Dr. Berry received clients in clinics on West and East Beirut but he charged higher fees his Christian patients because they could afford it.

In a month time, he saved $100 and invited his French wife to a restaurant; it turned out that the $100 bill was faked! Once, Dr. Berry applied to the hospital “Hotel Dieu”, fundamentally a French hospital and run by Christian administrators and physicians; his application was denied: the highly professionals are still endemic sectarians and regional.

A year later, Dr. Berry joined a French delegation for the program of twining 4 public hospitals with corresponding hospitals in France for gaining training and experience in running hospitals.

The staff at “Hotel Dieu” was beside itself for having to answer to Dr. Berry in order to receive financial aid.

Many public hospitals applied for the twining program and were denied: the applications were rhetorical and lacked graphs, charts and scientific compactness in contents and presentation.

Every Friday, Jamil practiced a day in his hometown Tebnine at its public hospital that was directed by a Colonel in the Army.  The Colonel was complaining that young people, no more than 35 years old, were dying suddenly. It happened that Israel was bombarded this area for 45 minutes and sucked up all the energy in Dr. Berry.

Jamil told the Colonel that these deaths can be explained and it is related to economy: the people in south Lebanon never have the time to recuperate their energies and one day the high energy deficit reclaims sudden death.

In the summer of 1993, Israel launched a 5-day preemptive war on Lebanon from air and sea and south Lebanon was under heavy fire.  Dr. Berry volunteered to join Tebnine’s hospital.  The Minister of Health took him aside and said “Reflect well. This is a real war. Your patients would not be victims of car accidents”.

The horror was reaching Tebnine in Red Cross ambulances.  At one junction, an Israeli Apache helicopter hovered in a stand still position for 7 minutes in front of their ambulance; each minute was an eternity because Israel shoots on purpose ambulances and then claim “collateral damage” incidents.

Going toward Tyre to unload medicines and board another ambulance, the 28 year-old nurse Carla was sitting beside Jamil: her job during the trip was to shield Dr. Berry with her body from any Israeli rocket. In Tebnine, the veiled nurses kissed and hugged Dr. Berry: customs are out in frightening moments.

The Minister of Health decided to visit two public hospitals in the south after the war.  He brought rhetoric instead of dire needed cash and medicines and equipments! This State is outside the subject matters and their officials and counselors out of subjects.

Then came the full-scale preemptive war of April 12, 1996 when Israel bombarded Lebanon for 15 days and destroyed for nth time all Lebanon’s infrastructures or what was left of them; it culminated in the slaughter in the town of Qana where citizens were taking refuge in a UN compound, 107 died instantly and hundreds would die in later days from injuries. Dr. Berry was in the hospital of Tebnine that accommodated over one thousand refugees; he also witnesses an Israeli F16 rocket 4 times a poor potable water reservoir that served 200, 000 inhabitants of the region!

Dr. Berry expounded on how the 150 private hospitals are blackmailing the government and siphoning $400 millions from the treasury just for reserving “beds” for surgery cases that the public hospitals are equipped to perform and how the powerful lobby of the owners of private hospitals are pressuring the governments from investing in public sanitary institutions and also preventing any accounting, inspections or control.

This manuscript contains many more stories, an open letter to Israel and another to the Lebanese government and political structure.


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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