Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘UN resolution 194

How much of Jewish a state? Is Israel again willing to defy world community?

The British Balfour declaration of 1917 was amenable for a Jewish homeland in part of Palestine.

In that year, Palestine barely had a few thousands Jews, mostly indigenous Jews and a few oriental Jews from Yemen and Iran.

In 1947, the UN partitioned Palestine and gave the minority Jews (40% of the population) 57% of Palestine. Even that skewered and unjust partition was not good enough for the Zionists.

By 1993, the Oslo agreement gave the Palestinians barely 20% of their lands for establishing an autonomous State. Even that agreement Israel refused to execute.

Again apartheid Israel is running headway to a wall.

How Jewish a state Israel want to be?

In a country where one in four people are not Jewish, all of Mr Netanyahu’s ministers are Jewish and only one speaks decent Arabic.

The Law of Return grants citizenship to migrants with one Jewish grandparent; Palestinians exiled in 1948 are banned from returning….

In 1949, the UN resolution 194 demanded the rights for Palestinians to return to their lands. These natural rights were denied by the Zionist State.

Human-rights groups warn that, without an express right to equality and the inclusion of international law as a source of inspiration for legislation alongside Jewish law, they will be powerless to challenge traditional interpretations that discriminate against non-Jews, women and homosexuals in the Supreme Court.

Liberal Jews fear that embedding Jewish law in legislation would speed Israel’s transformation into another Middle Eastern religious state.

What Jewish law are they talking about, asks one liberal activist: the law to love one’s neighbour as oneself or to execute homosexuals?

Nov. 29, 2014

The government wants a controversial law that would deny equality to Arabs

ONE week Israel’s prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and his ministers honour a Druze policeman who died protecting Jewish worshippers being hacked to death in a Jerusalem synagogue. The next day, Israel  approved constitutional legislation that would enshrine his inferior status as Druze in relation to Jews.

Actually, Druze officers and soldiers who served in the army as any Jewish Israeli do not receive the same entitlement and rights after they retire or return to civil life.

A bill approved by the cabinet on November 23rd, and sent to the Knesset, seeks to define Israel as the “national state of the Jewish people”, enhance the role of traditional Jewish law (which gives Jews preferential rights) in Israeli legislation and limit rights for non-Jewish citizens to “individual rights according to the law” (thus denying Arabs “national” rights as a minority). (Back to religious laws, such as the shari3a in Islam)

On the face of it, the representation of Israel as a Jewish state is nothing new.

It was defined as such by the UN, at the partition of British-ruled Palestine in 1947. And the Israeli state was built by Jews, for Jews.

But the new legislation goes further. Israel’s independence declaration pledged to “ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants”.

In the various drafts approved by the cabinet, with a 14-6 majority, the word “equality” was omitted and democracy placed second to Jewishness. Arabic was demoted from its status as an official language, alongside Hebrew.

The move is increasing political tensions. Two of the five coalition parties in Mr Netanyahu’s cabinet have opposed the bill and threaten to bring down the government. Israel’s president, Reuven Rivlin, has warned against making Palestinians feel as Jews did in exile. A spokesman for America’s State Department says: “All citizens should enjoy equal rights.”

Mr Netanyahu has yielded a bit (some think he always intended to), saying a new draft would reassert that Israel is “a Jewish and democratic state”, and leave the status of Arabic unchanged. But he insists the law is needed to deal with two issues:

One issue is the refusal of the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, to recognise Israel as a Jewish state in stalled peace talks. The other is the aspiration of some Israeli Palestinians for autonomy, particularly in the Galilee, where they comprise the majority.

Critics accuse Mr Netanyahu of playing politics and trying to woo hard-right members of his Likud party as he seeks re-election in primaries in January. And he is also keeping one eye on the prospect of an early election, as his coalition fractures.

Human-rights groups warn that, without an express right to equality and the inclusion of international law as a source of inspiration for legislation alongside Jewish law, they will be powerless to challenge traditional interpretations that discriminate against non-Jews, women and homosexuals in the Supreme Court.

Liberal Jews fear that embedding Jewish law in legislation would speed Israel’s transformation into another Middle Eastern religious state. What Jewish law are they talking about, asks one liberal activist: the law to love one’s neighbour as oneself or to execute homosexuals?

For their part, some orthodox Jews worry that the bill reduces religion to nationalism. The bill’s veneration of symbols like the flag and the anthem is “idol-worship”, wrote a rabbi.

Most alarmed of all are the 1.6m Palestinians (and Druze) with Israeli citizenship.

“Will I be subject to Jewish law?” asks one Muslim student. In the occupied territories, meanwhile, the Palestine Liberation Organisation, the Palestinians’ umbrella body, says the bill “forgets the Palestinian historic narrative and abolishes Palestinian existence.”

A posse of current and former security officials fear that the bill could spread recent violence from Gaza and East Jerusalem into Israel proper.

Prised apart by their politicians and the spate of attacks, Israel’s Jews and Arabs grow ever more frightened of each other.

“I no longer know who to trust,” says a Jewish housewife, who has stopped taking Jerusalem’s tram to avoid Arabs. Leading rabbis have issued rulings not to employ Arabs. “Customers ask me whether I’m a Jew or an Arab before they get into my cab,” says a taxi driver.

Shabtai Shavit, a former chief of the Mossad spy agency, wrote that the zeal for Jewish nationalism could yet destroy Zionism: “The nation of Israel is galloping blindly in a time tunnel to the age of Bar Kochba and his war on the Roman Empire.” The zealots’ failure, he noted, led to 2,000 years of Jewish exile.

Uncontested Palestinian Leader: late Yasser Arafat (Abu 3Ammar); June 15, 2009

 

            Known as Yasser Arafat; code-named “Abu Ammar”; full name Muhammad Abdel Raouf Arafat Al Koudwa Al Husseiny was born in Jerusalem in 1929.  He studied civil engineering at Cairo and worked in Kuwait. In the summer of 1965 he started guerilla activities inside Israel with ten feddayins, among them the future leaders Khalil Wazeer (code-named Abu Jihad; assassinated in Tunisia by an Israeli air raid), Salah Khalaf (code-named Abu Ayad), and Abu Ali Ayad (died in battle fighting the onslaught of the Jordanian army in 1970). 

            After the defeat of the Arab armies in June 1967 Arafat decided to take matters into his own hand: the Arab States can no longer be counted on to reclaim the Palestinians right to a homeland and the return of the refugees since 1948 (date of recognition of Israel as a State).  Arafat set out to organizing the Palestinians into a resistance force called “Hurricane” (Al 3asifat) and resumed incursions into Israel at higher rates. An acceptable resolution would be a secular State on the West Bank with East Jerusalem as Capital.  He would repeat: “As I liberate a single square meter then I would raise the Palestinian flag.  One day, a boy or a girl will hoist the flag in Jerusalem” Arafat insisted that “we may differ as Christians and Moslems on many issues but we are unified on liberating Jerusalem and consecrating it our spiritual and political Capital” Jerusalem was the cornerstone in any negotiation of more importance to him than the “right of return” of the UN resolution 194.  In fact, during the Arab Summit in Beirut 2002 Arafat was ready to accept the Saudi proposal of “land for peace” that did not mention the right of return.  Luckily, the Lebanese President Emile Lahoud was adamant on including this cause since the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon question is “a time bomb ready to detonate anytime”.

            The uncontested Arab leader Gamal Abdel Nasser recognized that the nascent Palestinian resistance activities are reactions to the failure of his leadership and he met with Arafat. Gamal Abdel Nasser gave Arafat’s organization political cover to preserve control of Arab politics and introduced Arafat to other Arab State leaders. Thus, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was formed in 1968 which included many Palestinian factions such as the national and Marxist faction of George Habash and the splintered faction of Nayef Hawatmed.  Syria would later include another faction with a military wing called Al Sa3ikat (Thunderstorm).  Arafat was the leader of the largest faction called Fateh (Conquest) and thus was elected Chairman of the PLO; Arafat was to hold the purse or the treasury of this organization to keep all factions in line.

            King Hussein of Jordan defeated militarily the PLO in 1970 and the resistance fighters fled to Lebanon.  The Egyptian leader forced the hand of the Lebanese government to allocate a strip of land in south Lebanon called “Al 3arkoub” from which the PLO could wage guerilla attacks on Israel.  This was a top-secret deal; Deputy Raymond Eddeh would persist in the parliament to divulge the details of the deal at no avail.  Thus, the mostly Shi3a Lebanese citizens in south Lebanon were caught in between the military retaliations of Israel, the exactions of the PLO and the non-existence of the weak Lebanese government in that region. South Lebanon was de facto controlled and governed by the PLO.  The Lebanese army controlled every resistance movement in the south before 1970 but relinquished its hold after that secret deal.

            The PLO quickly established political and administrative headquarters in the Capital Beirut and was immersed deeply in Lebanon internal politics. The Palestinian resistance fighters occupied all the Palestinian camps and transformed them into bunkers. Israel didn’t mind the transformation and the involvement of the PLO in Lebanon’s politics. Israel goal was to displace the Lebanese citizens from the south and then conquer it. In fact, thousands of citizens in the south moved to the southern outskirts of Beirut in Haret Hrik, Ghobeiry, and Dahieh.  These areas would become the “belt of misery” and shantytowns.

            In April 1973, an Israeli commando (headed by Ehud Barak) assassinated three Palestinian leaders in Beirut Kamal Edwan, Kamal Youssef, and Abu Youssef Al Najjar; it failed to locate Arafat.  In May 1973, the Lebanese army was encircling the Palestinian camps and Arafat took refuge in Embassies.  Arafat had a sixth sense on personal dangers and he did sleep in Embassies when the tough got going.  His best strategy for avoiding detection and maintaining security is to be “unpredictable”; thus he frequently moved from one residence to another and never informed anyone of his displacements, even his driver or bodyguards.

            Arafat highly valued Medias and used it tot the hilt. He also lavished on and befriended the sheikhs of mosques so that their Friday preaches increase his positive exposure. Arafat was not that good in rhetoric but his charisma and large smile compensated greatly on other verbal deficiencies.

            Arafat was super patient, like fish hunters.  He didn’t mind waiting for years until his enemy is caught in his nets.  He fundamentally used persuasion and then extending financial bait and then blackmailing when everything failed.  Arafat could focus under extreme dangerous situations and keep his cool for the sake of his surrounding assistants. He slept a few hours on early morning and then had siesta after lunch.  He extended aid to the needy and took excellent care of the martyrs’ families.  He owned only two military suits.

            Arafat read every piece of mail and replied in details.  He carried a small booklet and noted down information; he once said “if one of my small notebooks is published monarchies would disappear and Presidents fall.”  Arafat was feared by Arab leaders because of his wide connections and the vast intelligence he had on each one of them; thus, the PLO coffer was replenished on demand.

            Arafat visited India PM Indira Gandhi. A guru asked Arafat “How many Palestinians are there?”  Arafat replied 8 millions. The guru retorted “I have 9 million followers who worship me as their God.”  Arafat said with a large smile “The difference is that every one of the 8 million Palestinians thinks that he is indeed God”

            On November 1974, Arafat delivered a speech to the UN assembly and offered two alternatives: the olive tree or the gun.  He also talked to the UN General assembly in Geneva on December 1988 and declared his willingness to end armed struggle and the recognition of Israel; the USA decided then to recognize the PLO.

            Arafat played a central role during the Lebanese civil war that started in April 13, 1975.  He tried to maintain a balanced position in the tag of war between Hafez Assad of Syria and Sadat of Egypt at the expense of the Lebanese civilians.  The leftist Lebanese organizations relied on Arafat for logistics in arms and ammunition and he controlled them completely.  Arafat once declared in Ramallah around 1998 that he was the de facto governor of Lebanon for over 20 years, even before the civil war. Lebanon would have been saved 13 years of mindless civil war if Arafat had decided to relinquish Lebanon to Syria and dealt with Israel in 1977 instead of 1993 for part of Palestine as he was forced to do later.

            After the signing of the Oslo agreement with Rabin, Arafat returned to Gaza on July 1994.  He signed an agreement for the return of the West bank in September 1995.  Rabin was assassinated by one of his body-guard. Netanyahu refused to go along with the agreement but finally submitted to the USA pressures and returned Hebron (Al Khalil) after the negotiation of Wy River in 1998.

            On September 28, 2000, Ariel Sharon entered the Masjed Akssa during the tenure of Ehud Barak PM.  The second intifada started.  Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister in February 2001 and he invaded Ramallah (headquarter of the Palestinian Authority, al mukata3a) and encircled Arafat in his quarter. George W. Bush said to Sharon “Leave Arafat to God” and Sharon relied “I will give God a nudge”

            Arafat had food delivered through Israeli check points. He suffered acute ailment and knew that he has been poisoned by small doses.  Before being hospitalized in France Arafat said to his personal physician Ashraf Kerdi “The Zionists got me…”  Mohammad Dahlan (Fateh officer) told Arafat “When you are back your authority and power will remain intact” Arafat replied “In that case you are coming with me to France”

            Mahmoud Abbass replaced Arafat and refused to have an autopsy performed.  Arafat managed to hold together an organization of many factions for 40 years by centralizing the disbursement of the financial import he secured from the Arab States and from investment.  Arafat struggled hard to keep the Palestinian decisions independent of the vagaries of the multiple Arab States leaders’ interests of abusing of the “Palestinian cause.”  Probably, most of Arafat’s “peace deals” with Israel emanate from the disunity of the Arab States toward a strategic plan for checking the Zionist plans.  Arafat had to juggle Arab States priorities concerning their proper interests. Arafat sculpted an image of Palestinian resistance by wearing the special “koufieh” headdress and the military attire. He forged a logo for the Palestinian cause.


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

August 2020
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