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The Right to Food Safety:

Rights-Based Dialogue as a Springboard towards State-Building

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The stances taken by Lebanon’s Public Health Minister Wael Abou Faour in November 2014 took the country by surprise.

Departing completely from the norm, Abou Faour published lists of actual businesses that have persisted in producing or selling food unfit for consumption, or not conforming to health standards.

Fellow Ministers and others from outside the cabinet criticized Abou Faour, accusing him of adopting a policy of defamation that could have a negative impact on Lebanon’s economy.[1]

In response, Abou Faour argued that it was the state’s duty to warn citizens against looming threats, and therefore, to denounce those businesses even at the risk of ruining their reputation for the sake of public interest.[2]

To support his approach, Abou Faour argued that, due to their practice of influence peddling, some of these businesses wielded more power than the Lebanese state. This suggested that providing citizens with information that would allow them to avoid threats was the least that the state could do, given that its duty to protect them against such threats was a difficult task in the face of powerful vested interests.

Criticism of Abou Faour receded after media and popular support for his initiative grew.

He was emboldened and, along other public administration officials, moved from denunciation to taking practical measures: he shut down businesses and referred them to the public prosecution office. Support for his campaign grew, and suspicion about his credibility or his ability to persevere receded.

Public support fed on Abou Faour’s ability to continue with his campaign and vise versa.

Such a process could enable the state to regain some of its standing and sovereignty, after having been largely weakened and fragmented by the current political system–the regime of sectarian political leaders (zu‘ama’).

From such a perspective, regardless of Abou Faour’s intentions, his initiative sheds important light on the workings of Lebanon’s political system.

It also allows for using “rights-based dialogue” as a means to rebuild a national public opinion. This in turn could represent a step towards rebuilding the state, at a time when authority and sovereignty have become widely sect-based and fragmented.

On November 29, 2014, this was implicitly expressed by Abou Faour after a streak of media successes. He said that he chose to engage in this campaign within the framework of a reasoned confrontation against a “vast network of interests” on his part and on the part of his political party, the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP).

At its core, such a confrontation relied on the support of the “Lebanese public opinion” as a “fundamental ally.” As a result of such support, he added, “Our ambition has grown,” and the aim has become “to open a breach in the political system” and create “new horizons in politics.”[3]

Rights-Based Dialogue as a Gateway to Citizen Integration in State-Building

Abou Faour’s campaign led to the rare coming together of Lebanese media outlets of various leanings in an effort to reflect the concerns and aspirations shared by all segments of Lebanese society, regardless of their sectarian or political affiliation.

The unifying dynamic behind this confluence of coverage was the fundamental notion of citizens’ right to food security, or in other words, their right to life and health.

Some outlets pointed out the [Health] Ministry’s selectivity in dealing with different regions with different sectarian makeup. Yet their efforts remained limited and failed to turn health reform into an object of sectarian bickering.

In the past, fear of particular threats to public well being had often taken on a sectarian dimension or fueled sectarianism. In contrast, the current fear, based on awareness of serious violations of the right to food security, is taking on unifying national characteristics.

The apparent immunity from criticism that Abou Faour enjoyed reflects the importance of the right to food security that was allegedly violated and its precedence over any potential harm as a result of the minister’s policy.

One clear example was the major shift in stance of some cabinet ministers, who had at first opposed this campaign.[4] This signifies a reversal of social priorities, since the rights of citizens are being placed above all other considerations, including the interests of influential parties.

It also increases the legitimacy of the principle that “defamation,” or more accurately in this instance, public denunciation is a right when it becomes a duty.

Notably, Abou Faour not only denounced businesses that committed violations, but also threatened to expose anyone who might intervene to protect them.[5]

The statement made by Justice Minister Ashraf Rifi during a cabinet session on November 27, 2014, which was carried by some media outlets, only reinforced this trend. Rifi said that he would instruct all judges to publish rulings connected to food safety, in order to make an example of violators.

Rifi also made it clear that the judiciary would continue what Abou Faour had started.[6] It should be noted that one public prosecutor, Samer Younes, has for years, but to no avail, been reminding judges of the need to give precedence to food security over business interests, no matter how powerful.[7]

This article makes the tentative argument that the Abou Faour campaign and how it unfolded has shown clearly, and on a large scale, the kind of impact public dialogue could have when it concerns a specific, unifying right.

Not only does such dialogue affect the formation of a national public opinion. It also influences social integration. In lieu of state atrophy or acute sectarian and political division forbidding or marginalizing such dialogue, the latter is in itself likely to strengthen the state and reduce such division.

It would indeed lead citizens to unite around the state in confronting any minority, group-specific or economic influence.

Such a tentative argument faces several objections:

One objection is the claim that the present example remains, to a large extent, an isolated one. Other attempts to give precedence to one right or another, the objection goes, were less effective.

Examples include the cessation of public dialogue over the right of workers to fair wages, initiated in early 2012 by former Labor Minister Charbel Nahas, who later resigned, and the limited influence of human rights groups working in Lebanon. The latter have indeed remained unable to shape and steer public opinion, or confront the prevailing political system.

As important as it might be, this objection seems to be based on weak assumptions. The Abou Faour experience might prompt a reexamination of these assumptions about former efforts of a similar nature, rather than the latter serving as grounds to undermine Abou Faour’s efforts.

Did the Nahas experience with regard to workers’ right to fair wages truly come to an end with his resignation?

Would it not be too hasty to make such an assertion without looking at its contribution to raising the awareness of this right among workers and within public opinion at large?

Would it not be difficult to isolate the movement of public sector employees and teachers to demand the promised wage increases, including the massive protests and marches they held in 2013 and 2014 from the Nahas experience?

What about the struggle of private sector employees?

The most prominent of these was the campaign by the employees of the Spinneys supermarket company in 2012 to establish an independent union which shaped legal and media practice and discourse.

Regardless of the results achieved by those various movements, does the mere fact that they took place in the wake of the Nahas experience not lead us to think of the cumulative effect and impact of such dialogue?

Within such a context, every experience paves the way for the next, expanding and strengthening the framework of dialogue.

It would be a mistake to expect dialogue about the right to a fair wage to have an impact of the same magnitude as the current dialogue about the right to food security.

By its very nature, the right to a fair wage allows for broad social division. Aside from the strong conflict of interest between employers and employees in this regard, society is also divided over the benefits of wage increases in terms of job opportunities and economic growth as a whole.

Those representing capital holders can always raise fears of companies going bankrupt and workers losing their jobs if a wage increase were to be imposed during times of financial crisis.

On the other hand, they cannot, in any way, shape or form, defend the right of restaurants to serve spoiled meat or engage in fraudulent practices. There is also the fact that employees are dependent on their employers.

The desire to demand their right to a wage increase can therefore be balanced out by fear of losing their jobs. Such fears may indeed gain the upper hand when one considers the state of labor unions today, which have become constrained, controlled, and exploited in service of the prevailing political system.

Naturally, consumers find themselves in a radically different position being, in principle, completely independent from traders and importers.

One could therefore say that the outcome of the Nahas experience does not invalidate the tentative argument made by this author. It rather enriches it.

It is only natural for the ability of rights-based campaigns to have a unifying effect and to grow in proportion to the solidity and broadness of the social base that supports them. In this context, the difference between the Nahas experience and the Abou Faour one is one of the capacity to unify, not of the nature of the right in question.

The same reasoning applies to the work of human rights groups.

As significant as the capabilities of such groups might be, they cannot be compared to the massive capabilities wielded by the state. This is especially true as most of them work to promote rights that affect only certain segments of the population–such as women’s rights, the rights of people with disabilities, gay rights, etc.

Yet in spite of this, it would also be a mistake to downplay the importance of these groups’ achievements in terms of social integration.

One of the most prominent examples is the growing public discourse about combating violence against women. In addition to the demonstration led by the NGO KAFA on March 8, 2014, the work done by individual judges displayed a profound involvement with this movement.

Indeed, many of them issued landmark rulings immediately after the ratification in April 2014 of the Law on the Protection of Women and Family Members from Domestic Violence. Public discourse about the right to the truth in the issue of the families of the disappeared also had a significant impact.

The government was ultimately forced to carry out the ruling issued by the State Council to hand over the complete dossier of investigations on the fate of the disappeared to their families.

The second objection to the tentative argument I propose is that the most prominent factor affecting the Abou Faour experience is not the actual discourse that emerged about the right to food security, or the awareness of its importance.

Rather, it is the feelings of terror this public discourse has given rise to, on account of the long lists published by Abou Faour and the variety of sectors involved. The effects of this initiative, the objection goes, are therefore likely to recede as soon as emotions subside and reassurances are made.

According to this point of view, the momentum of interest in this issue may well turn out to be temporary, and ultimately tantamount to a publicity stunt.

This objection, like the preceding one, is likely to add to the tentative argument rather than undermine it. The Abou Faour experience teaches us that the impact of public discourse about a particular right increases, when awareness of its importance is accompanied by strong feelings of the consequences of violating that right, most notably, fear.

This is reminiscent of what Dutch philosopher, Baruch Spinoza, famously said about combating regimes that are based on emotions and interests. According to Spinoza, in order to succeed one cannot rely on rational thought alone, but must make use of equally powerful emotions and interests as well.

This is the source of unifying force of Abou Faour’s initiative. Such an initiative relates to what is clearly and evidently a fundamental right that concerns everyone, without exception.

There can be no justification for violating such a right, and doing so in fact gives rise to fear and only boosts awareness of the importance of protecting it. Moreover, only the state can enable the momentum of this initiative to reach its full extent.

Rights-Based Momentum as a Means to Strengthen the State and Improve Its Performance

As a result of the momentum created by public discourse about the right to food security, the state seems to have gained a greater ability to enforce its laws when confronting influential parties. Abou Faour’s experience and its fallout have also had an impact on a number of cabinet ministers, who seem to have learned how to properly carry out their public responsibilities.

Chief among such initiatives was Minister of Economy Alain Hakim’s decision to shut down a number of labneh (strained yoghurt) factories on November 24, 2014. He also pulled their products from the market for violating legal health conditions, and referred [all violations] to the public prosecution.

Noteworthy as well were the decisions taken by local governors (muhafizin) to put a stop to certain activities, as requested by the Ministry of Health. Chief among those was the governor of Beirut issuing a decision to shut down the Beirut slaughterhouse on November 18, 2014.

More importantly, the Council of Ministers itself took charge of the issue of food security, forming a committee to coordinate the work of several ministries in this regard in its November 27, 2014 session. The government, it argued, cannot wait for an independent food safety commission to be formed, as should be the case following the ratification of the food safety law.

In terms of legislation, there is once again talk of the need to quickly ratify a food safety law. As public opinion recently discovered, a proposal and a draft law [on food safety] have been held up for years in the halls of Parliament. The media covered the issue during this period, basing its news on reports by the head of NGO Consumers Lebanon, Zuheir Berro, and later on statements by concerned cabinet ministers and MPs.

Amid such momentum, Agriculture Minister Akram Chehayeb referred to the Council of Ministers an animal rights bill the ministry had drawn up years ago, in collaboration with NGO Animals Lebanon.[8] He did this merely a few days after a number of slaughterhouses were shut down, as if his ministry sought to gain some public interest for its bill by voicing similar concerns.

This was also reflected in the statement made by Executive Director of NGO Animals Lebanon, Jason Mier, to Beirut’s daily al-Akhbar. Arguing that the bill had been drawn up for the sake of people’s health and the safety of their food, Mier urged for its ratification at the nearest opportunity. He stressed that this would represent a qualitative shift in the work of slaughterhouses, farms and other facilities dealing with cattle.

Despite the importance of the examples listed above, these official initiatives have so far remained much more procedural than structural, and in the best of cases legislative in nature. Meanwhile, no initiatives have been taken so far on the part of public authorities to strengthen consumer protection associations or improve their capabilities. Similarly, public prosecutors have so far issued no rulings to deter the owners of businesses that committed violations.

What are the Perspectives of Similar Initiatives Within the Lebanese System?

What comes next?

Could institutional reform possibly achieve its goals?

Could this rights-based momentum be used to enact the necessary legislation and activate the oversight apparatus on issues of public health?

Could the standing and role of the state be thereby restored, as MP Mohammad Kabbani urged in a statement on November 20, 2014?

Beyond this, could the issue possibly have a snowball effect?

Could it lead the state to strengthen its oversight apparatus in other fields in which it is no less needed, such as that of welfare institutions? Or, on the contrary, will such discourse die down, even if after some time?

Will the issue of food oversight end up being referred to committees that do not work, are prevented from working, cover up corruption, or are corrupt themselves?

Will the impact of this momentum be merely temporary?

Will it cause no structural change? Will it, at best, pave the way for future confrontations that may prove more effective?

The second outcome is possible even if the food safety law is passed, as the legislative response is seldom sufficient on its own. The history of enforcing the consumer protection law, as well as every other social law, has always been undermined by the interests of traders and importers, which invariably lead to voiding such laws of much of their content.

The fact that the cabinet minister who initiated this campaign, i.e., Abou Faour, is affiliated to a political faction almost organically linked to the network of interests that controls Lebanon’s food supply, increased the likelihood of such a [negative] outcome.

However, raising these skeptical questions misses the point, and perhaps reflects a muddled view of the way reform works. Whether or not the Minister of Public Health perseveres in his efforts is not the point. Much more significant is whether social forces can take advantage of the momentum to strengthen the citizens’ movement in support of food safety and ensure its survival.

Despite the momentum of public discourse, the lack of any social initiative in this regard so far only increases the urgency of the issue.

The will and the intentions of those in power might be difficult to control, but what about ordinary citizens? How can they take advantage of rights-based momentum to develop their capabilities and their defiance, and thereby improve their chances of imposing their fundamental rights on those in power, whoever they may be?

[This article is an edited translation from the Arabic original, both of which were originally published on Legal Agenda].

Note:  Walid Jumblat has an important leverage in the formation of any government. And when he agrees on a policy with the powerful power broker Nabih Berry, Parliament Chairman, things get moving.

Bad ass Gulabi Gang of women

I have posted on this subject last year https://adonis49.wordpress.com/2013/01/15/repeat-gang-rape-do-indian-women-need-a-political-party/

A reminder is always welcomed.

Rosemay M. Erian shared LiteFM‘s photo.·

FYI

The Gulabi Gang.</p><br />
<p>The Gulabi gang was founded in 2006 by Sampat Pal Devi, a mother of five, as a response to widespread domestic abuse and other violence against women.</p><br />
<p>Gulabis visit abusive husbands and beat them up with laathis (bamboo sticks) unless they stop abusing their wives.</p><br />
<p>The Gulabi gang is a group of Indian women vigilantes and activists originally from Bundelkhand, Uttar Pradesh, but reported to be active across North India as of 2010

The Gulabi Gang.

The Gulabi gang was founded in 2006 by Sampat Pal Devi, a mother of 5, as a response to widespread domestic abuse and other violence against women.

Gulabis visit abusive husbands and beat them up with laathis (bamboo sticks) unless they stop abusing their wives.

The Gulabi gang is a group of Indian women vigilantes and activists originally from Bundelkhand, Uttar Pradesh, but reported to be active across North India as of 2010

Note: The northern provinces of Ould were the hotbed of Moslem Shiaa majority until a few decades ago.

Dude Feminism: A language? Mind your language?

The sort of language used to assert men’s dominance over women has a pretty recognizable pattern across the cultural landscape.
We frequently hear that Men are in charge of things because they have supposedly something women lack: physical strength, honor, higher cognitive facilities, or the mystique of the male organ itself.Women, “lacking” these qualities, need to be “protected” from the all-consuming lusts of strange men.

 posted on APRIL 24, 2014 (selected as one of the top posts)

The Language of Dude Feminism

This can be spun as noble chivalry, brutal domination, or a playful battle of the sexes, but at the root it’s the same: women are denied the freedoms that men take as a God-given right, assigned subordinate status, and coerced into performative gender roles.

In this dialectic, men’s protective abilities and ravaging urges come from the same place and are both aimed squarely at women.

Language did not create the patriarchy (not sure of that statement), but language is a powerful method of inscribing the possible, shaping how and what we think, and justifying the status quo.

Thus, perhaps it’s no surprise that feminist outreach towards the traditional opponents of women’s liberation – i.e., cis-gendered heterosexual men — utilizes the same language as that of domination.

justin-timberlake

Rather than attacking the institution of masculinity itself, several recent campaigns have attempted a sort of masculinity triage, trying to eliminate violence against women, while still flattering men with the label of protector.

These campaigns, such as “real men don’t buy girls,”“my strength isn’t for hurting,”are various incarnations of “how would you feel if someone said that to your mother /sister /girlfriend,”and have proven to be enormously popular, achieving prodigious re-blogs, conferences, and media airtime.

They are, by many metrics, successful, and have gotten institutions long silent on the rights of women to speak up. I believe we are the better for them, but I also believe that they do not go far enough, and we all must, as feminists, radicals and progressives, push against our comfort zones.

In these campaigns, the masculine mystique is still very present, albeit a kinder, gentler version.

By flattering men’s strength and asking them to use it to protect women, we once again place men in the driver’s seat of culture, asking for them to renounce violence and be less vile guardians.

Common to all these messages is that men CAN rape, hurt, buy women, catcall or what-have-you, but they SHOULDN’T.

Men, we are told, shouldn’t hurt women, not because of any intrinsic rights women may have, but because other men might do it to THEIR women, and that would be awful.

Male privilege is re-defined, but not negated, in a way that leaves masculinity unchallenged and still dominant.

The wonderful, complex, and multi-faceted language of generations of queer, trans, intersectionalist and sex-positive feminism and human-rights dialogues is thrown aside completely in favor of a request that straight, cis-gendered men join the rest of the world at the big-kids table.

Again, this isn’t to say that these campaigns haven’t done good, but rather, that they should go farther.

There is certainly something to be said about using the language of the patriarchy to subvert the patriarchy, or of using privilege to end privilege, but it’s not clear that’s what’s being done.

Rather, it looks as if men are given a privileged place in the feminist movement, one where they are praised for simply not being terrible and their much-vaunted power remains intact.

The bar for male allies has been set tremendously low.

In contrast to the sacrifices, acts of bravery and daily fights women and LGBTQ people are expected to take on to achieve equality and justice, men are asked simply not to buy people, physically abuse people, or rape.

The fact that this counts as progress is a sad indictment of how much work there is left to do, but that is all the more reason to not sugar-coat it or water down the message.

Feminism has made great strides against patriarchal oppression in much of the world, and perhaps to finish the job, to make a world of true equality, the message cannot be compromised or simplified.

Males in the movement should (and can) be challenged and encouraged to act not like a virtuous “real man,” but like (well-nurtured) humans.

Note: In human interactions and communication, it is not good enough to understand the notion: We need to have a “Feel” of the concept. Someone has to write a novel using Dude Feminism Language or provide a list of novels that come close to that language.

Creating critical new terms in Dude Feminism language is inevitable so that readers discriminate between the patriarchal implicit meaning from the explicit meaning in the Dude Feminism language. A novel is the best means to convey a feeling of the purpose.

 

johnAbout the author: J.A. McCarroll is a NYC-based writer, anthropologist, and baker. He works in reproductive rights and volunteers with Canimiz Sokakta and the Rules. Tweet @jamccarroll.

We are all Olympic Champions: Jackie Chamoun, Chirine, Rasha Kahil… Lebanon

The Lebanese government has just ordered an inquiry into Olympian Jackie Chamoun for posing in semi-nude photographs 3 years ago, claiming her actions have shamed Lebanon.

Their outrage proves one thing: our government believes that the bodies of women are public property — despite not doing anything to protect them.

Drop this stupid “investigation”: Photo shoot of sky champion Jackie Chamoun

“Some women are beaten or killed, others are raped, and the media shifts their attention to a confident talented beautiful woman who represents her country at the Olympic games.

This is about telling our “peers” to set their priorities straight.

This is to fight censorship. This is for freedom.”

Drop the investigation against Jackie Chamoun!

Redirect government resources to bring justice to the families of domestic violence victims.

It’s unbelievable that a minister was able to mobilise resources and react on the very same day to this non-event when the lives of thousands of other Lebanese women are at risk thanks to the lack of movement on violence against women legislation.

Just last week a teacher was beaten to death by her husband right in front of her two children and in a crowded building, and the internal security officers (darak) declined to show up on the ground that they don’t meddle in family affairs.

Avaaz.org has also prepared a petition to sign.

Many Lebanese are very upset, and Gino has promised to leave Lebanon.

 posted this Feb. 11, 2014

Disgusting: Horribly Backwards Reactions to Olympian’s Photos

chamoun2

I don’t even know where to start with this.

It’s too similar to the Rasha Kahil incident a few weeks ago, and I still cannot comprehend the horribly degrading reaction of people to something so natural, so normal as a pair of bare breasts shot tastefully for a calendar.

To Everyone Upset at Jackie and Chirine

Who the fuck are you to get upset? Is it the first pair of boobs you see?

The horribly backwards reaction to the surfacing of these old photos, makes you all look like savage brutes living in some theocracy in the mountains between Pakistan or Afghanistan, or in Iran, or Saudi.

You are in fucking Beirut, the city that placed ads in Playboy Magazine in the 60s, and had its own red light district back in the day.

In 2014, you want to turn it into some religious theocracy that’s afraid of sex and hates women unless they’re 72 virgins you get for blowing your stupid self up?

Or a savage tribe that still believes women are property and carry “the honor” of the family or whatever it is you call what you congregate yourself in?

Are you such a sexually frustrated bunch of hypocrites with nothing better to talk about as you wait on the doorways of your politicians to ask for a favor you’ve already paid for with your taxes.

Or waiting at the doors of the churches and the mosques that ban you from getting married under civil laws, and sanctify a man’s right to kill and rape his wife, as God intended it in their twisted, old, wretched minds.

To Feminists Worried About “Objectifying a Woman’s Body”

Oh, because bashing two young women for posing whichever way they want, for whatever reason they want, fits in perfectly with the feminist rhetoric, right?

If you really are for gender equality, and no differentiation between men and women, then you shouldn’t go out guns blazing against a woman who showed some skin.

Just like no one ever bashes a male model or athlete that poses topless or in provocative poses. This is hypocrisy, and whether you like it or not, sex sells and drawing attention to causes, brands, charitable causes, etc. using a bare human body, will always happen, and you should celebrate the fact people have a choice to do that, and honor their choices.

To the Minister of Sports and Government

How Dare you “investigate” Jackie?

After the horrible support our Olympians always get from the government, who didn’t even bother telling Chirine she isn’t participating this year?

The same corrupt, rotten, filthy government that sent only 2 athletes, with 7 “organizers”, just like our mysteriously large UN General Assembly “organizers” who are in the several dozen, when China’s entire delegation was a fraction of ours.

Amidst this massive corruption scandal, and laughable handling of your ministry to the Olympics case, how do you have the nerves to investigate one of our Olympians?

It’s no thanks to you that Jackie is there, and we can live with that, but suggesting actions might be taken against her for disobeying some Lebanese’s conservative absurdities, is plain rude and unacceptable.

Olga Habre
Olga Habre

To Jackie and Chirine

We love you, don’t let people’s trash talk faze you.

We are proud for representing Lebanon, in Sochi and in Vancouver, and I’m proud of you for having the guts to be topless on camera, on the slopes of Faraya in public.

Takes a lot of courage and self-esteem to be so secure with your body image.

Thank you for standing up for the liberals in this country, the ones living in 2014, not 1200s.

Also, don’t ever apologize for participating in that calendar, we’re proud two Lebanese skiers were featured, and might I say favorites on that calendar that grouped female skiers from around the world.

To Lebanese Liberals

Don’t shy away from defending these two brave women.

Don’t sit idly by when your supposed “patriotic” fellow citizens joke about bombings and parts of Lebanon becoming a theocracy.

Lebanon is liberal, it always was.

We can’t let the recent trend in extremism change that.

They call on us to “subdue” our women when they do this, when just the other week a savage brute beat his beautiful wife to death, and they thought it was ok…

Those very same people and authorities outraged at showing Jackie’s boobs, have no problem with a man beating his wife to a bloody pulp, but GOD FORBID BOOBS!

Glad I’m Leaving

I need a break from this disgusting place festering with corruption, extreme religious bigotry and hypocrisy that is at The Onion levels.

Tfeh (the sound of disgust) on each and every low-life who insulted these two fine young women, representing Lebanon in one the most prestigious of sporting events.

Tfeh for making us look like stupid, backwards baboons who go ape-shit if our gorgeous athletes show off what they got. I am proud of Jackie, immensely proud, and for once, I like someone representing Lebanon.

And I’d much rather have her representing my country, someone comfortable in their skin and open-minded, not tied down by the crippling cultural and religious norms that teach us to hate women, to subdue them, to oppress them. Shame on all of you.

I have no words to describe how disgusted I am by the backwardness, childishness and lack of patriotism you have shown. Oh, and t3eesho w tfoo2o you dumbasses, we’ve known about this calendar since December. Sub-par journalists, with sub-par IQed viewers. Tfeh.

Final Advice

Always, before judging and bashing and “investigating” someone for something they did willingly, always, always, always repeat to yourself: “Who. The. Fuck. Am. I?”

Trust me, you’ll be all set!


adonis49

adonis49

adonis49

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