Adonis Diaries

Posts Tagged ‘Wall of shame

Tidbits and notes posted on FB and Twitter. Part 222

Note: I take notes of books I read and comment on events and edit sentences that fit my style. I pa attention to researched documentaries and serious links I receive. The page is long and growing like crazy, and the sections I post contains a month-old events that are worth refreshing your memory

Hate is a close relative to love when despise is out of the picture. La haine est proche de l’amour, quand le mepris lui est etranger

La mere exhibait ce trait des gens ordinaires de proclamer des insanites: “Je veux etre juste. L’amour de mes enfants passe avant le reste”
Que veux-tu? Ta mere n’est pas assez derangee’ pour qu’on intervienne. Ou le pere.
Est-ce que tu veux vivre ou tu veux mourir? Reflechit pour une fois.

Il a eu la grace celui qui tot dans son enfance decouvre un but dans sa vie qui peut changer tout.

There’s a playbook in Washington that Presidents are supposed to follow. It’s a playbook that comes out of the foreign-policy establishment. And the playbook prescribes responses to different events, and these responses tend to be militarized responses.

Where “America” (USA) is directly threatened, the playbook works. But the playbook can also be a trap that can lead to bad decisions. In the midst of an international challenge like Syria, you get judged harshly if you don’t follow the playbook, even if there are good reasons why it does not apply.

I looked at detailed map of the Silk Road and connecting rail transport. Turkey and Iran are mightily in. Syria and Iraq are totally out of it. So why USA, France and England had to destroy and ruin Iraq and Syria? No economic benefit to be generated from this destruction.

USA strategy is to impoverish all countries it claims are within its sphere of influence.

China wants to eradicate poverty in Peking by 2023: Adopting the policy of “No see, program achieved” by transferring 2 millions of poor people living in shantytowns back to their countrysides.

Same policy adopted by Israel in building the Wall of Shame: “No see Palestinians, all is alright”

Before and after US intervention to bring “Democracy” in a targeted country

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It is Palestine not israel.  March 18 at 9:35pm · 

Distribuer une brochure 3an kel al injazaat, wa khali meen mestaw3eb al tafassel yobrom min beit la beit. Bi kaffi hawshaleh la kel hal tajamou3aat

In Lebanon, women married to a Palestinian or Syrian cannot register its children for Lebanon citizenship. ma hal kanoun ma3moul la douwal al jewaar. Kel shi franjeh brenje wa al jensiyyah bten 3ata 3al 7aarek

“A Watershed Moment in Palestinian History”: Interview with Jamal Juma’

Israel/Palestine

 on 

For weeks now, (since the pronouncement of Trump on Jerusalem Capital of Israel) Palestinians everywhere have been galvanized by events taking place in the Gaza Strip, the site of weekly (since March 30) mass protests demanding the end of the siege and blockade of Gaza (in place now since 2007) and the right to return to the homes from which they or their elders had been transferred (kicked out) since Israel creation in 1948.

Dubbed the Great March of Return, Palestinians in Gaza have assembled as close as they can to the Israeli-designated buffer zone separating Gaza from Israel. (Going on for the 16th Fridays)

Israeli soldiers at a distance, crouched behind earth barriers that they created in the days preceding the march, and at absolutely no danger of attack from the unarmed protestors, pick off demonstrators at their leisure (with live bullets, assassinating over 160  and targeting the legs to handicap the marchers, over 1,600 badly injured)

By June 14, at least 129 Palestinians had been killed and 13,000 injured; the dead included medics like the 21-year-old Razan al-Najjar and journalists including Yaser Murtaja—typically seen as off-limits in conflict zones but transformed by Israel into prime targets.

Jamal Juma’ leads a nonviolent march against the Israeli Separation Wall in the West Bank town of Al Walaja.

On June 4, I spoke to Jamal Juma’, coordinator of the Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign, about the popular resistance in Gaza, the Trump administration’s policy toward the question of Palestine, and Palestinian options to chart a new course.

Ida AudehI interviewed you in August 2011 to learn more about the separation wall and its effect on communities in its path. Describe Israel’s current system of control over the occupied territories, of which the wall is a part.

Jamal Juma’: It is clear that the wall was designed to isolate and lay siege to Palestinians. The project to place Palestinians under siege by means of the wall has been completed.

On the popular level, we see serious activity in search of an alternative to the status quo, the largest and the most important of which is taking place now in Gaza with the Great March of Return.

These actions are important for a number of reasons. They changed the stereotypes about Gaza as a launchpad for rockets, a place of terrorism that has been hijacked by Hamas.

In fact, the marches in Gaza since March 30 represent a widespread popular movement, massive popular resistance. Just like the first intifada emerged from Jabaliya in the Gaza Strip, today we have the beginnings of a mass civil disobedience movement.

(Note: the First Intifada took place in 1935 against the British mandated power for refusing to organize democratic elections, even in municipality, on the ground that the Jews were minorities. It lasted 3 years. Britain had to dispatch 100,000 troop to quell this civil disobedience and exacted horror torture techniques)

Gaza has a population that is resisting, and Hamas does not control this resistance. The discourse we generally hear, that Hamas is leading people to their death, should be recognized as racist and dehumanizing.

For that reason, the marches in Gaza are very important in defining the trajectory of the Palestinian question and restoring the role of popular resistance to the forefront. They lay the popular foundation for the coming phase. They might also have prevented another massive disaster.

I think Israel was preparing to implement the Trump administration’s proposals; the scenario that the Israelis were planning for was to pull Gaza into a military confrontation, which would justify more intense bombing than it has done in the past.

(Actually, an Israeli pre-emptive re-occupation of Gaza would serve the Palestinian cause and foil the USA new idea of a resolution by re-transplanting the existing Palestinians)

The borders with Egypt would open, and people would flee into Egypt. But the mass participation in the march thwarted that plan.

IA: I find it hard to understand how Ramallah can be so tranquil considering the carnage in Gaza.

JJ:  It might seem that what is happening in the West Bank is not at all comparable to what is happening in Gaza. And that is true, it isn’t as massive. But actions are taking place in the West Bank, and they are also important.

On a weekly basis people are gathering to protest at the checkpoints.

Since 2011 there have been continuous outbursts (in Arabic, habbat); for example, in Jerusalem in the Bab al-Shams encampment and in the aftermath of the Abu Khdeir and Dawabshe killings (January 2013, July 2014, and July 2015, respectively).*

These outbursts were significant and exemplary, the way Gaza is today. They reminded us of what the Palestinian people are capable of doing.

I expect that these outbursts here and there will lead to widespread civil disobedience. Young people in Jerusalem and the West Bank have been going out to checkpoints in the hundreds, on a daily basis, and these conditions put one in the mindset of the first intifada.

We should take note of what Palestinians in Israel are doing as well.

There are youth movements that are taking action in ways that are very impressive and a source of pride.  They defy the occupation and they involve large numbers of people, in Haifa and elsewhere (The women marches).

IA: Let’s look at the relationship of Palestinians to formal political bodies. Recently the Palestinian National Council held its first meeting in 22 years. One might have thought that over the course of more than two decades, several issues and events warranted a meeting – regional events, the assassination of Yasir Arafat, and the status of the Oslo accords come to mind.

But the convening of the PNC doesn’t seem to have generated much popular interest.

JJ: People did not pay much attention to it, but in fact they should be talking about it because it poses a threat. Meeting for the first time in 22 years, it did not even discuss what it has done since the last meeting!

What it did do is effectively cancel itself, which means it is changing the structure of the PLO. There is an attempt to replace the Central Committee with a body consisting of the private sector, the political currents in the PA today, and elements of the security apparatus.

No representation of Palestinians from the 1948 areas, or the diaspora, or even the Palestinian street. This is a threat to the Palestinian project.

The PLO as it has been transformed by Mahmoud Abbas threatens the national cause. It has been hijacked; our task is to restore it as a representative and unifying entity that works to support the Palestinian cause. The reform should be led by Palestinian groups and movements.

People have no confidence in the leadership; they don’t think it is capable of leading in the coming phase.

In fact, the outbursts I referred to earlier had the potential of triggering a third intifada. People were waiting for a leadership to emerge, as happened during the first intifada; three months into the intifada, a unified leadership emerged and took charge.

But this time, the PA wasn’t interested in assuming that role; three months into these protests, the PA sent its people to disrupt actions and prevent young people from gathering at checkpoints. The national factions were unable to form a unified leadership for obvious reasons.

IA: What is the alternative?

JJ: People have to create a national movement that can lead the change. What will lead the movement for change will not be a single individual. It will be a widespread national movement that has a real relationship with people on the ground, a movement that will direct the street. This is the only way change will take place. People have been waiting fora long time, but who are we waiting for?

There is not going to be a great charismatic leader. We don’t talk about a heroic leader, we talk about a heroic people and a leadership of institutions.

We want a Palestinian state that represents all Palestinians. Within that broad outline, we say that right now, we have to protect the Palestinian project – the right to self-determination, and we all struggle for that right.

We don’t have to get into a discussion about the final outcome. The time for the two state solution is clearly over—and in fact, that proposal provided the basis for trying to destroy our cause. The other option is clear. But like I said, we don’t want that discussion to detract from our focus now or to place us in conflict with the position of the PLO.

(I do disagree: the 2-State option is very much ripe after Trump project fail, and it will fail)

How do we support the Palestinian project? We have to confront what is happening in Jerusalem, the settlements. There has to be a practical program, not just slogans on paper. Palestinians in the diaspora should support these activities, get involved in the boycott movement, because we are part of that boycott movement.

We are trying to keep the political work and the boycott movement separate to protect the boycott movement, because there is a Palestinian effort underway to weaken the BDS movement; through normalization, by invoking the PLO position.

We consider the boycott movement an essential component of our activism.

This is what people are discussing today, here and with our people in the 1948 areas, and in the diaspora. Many meetings have taken place, and they are being expanded. I expect that in the next few weeks there will be a meeting to put in writing some of the agreed upon principles underlying all of these actions.

There has to be a movement that preserves the unity of the Palestinian people and protects the national cause from liquidation. That’s what we are working on now.

Notes

* The 2013 encampment known as Bab al-Shams was an attempt by Palestinians to thwart Israeli plans to establish a settlement on land in the E1 zone, between East Jerusalem and the Jewish-only settlement Ma’ale Adumim; the Israeli plan was designed to permanently sever the West Bank from East Jerusalem. Another encampment, Bab al-Karama, was set up in Beit Iksa and stormed by Israeli soldiers two days later.

In July 2014, Israeli settlers in Jerusalem abducted 16-year-old Mohammad Abu Khdeir from Shufat and set him on fire; the ensuing demonstrations resulted in 160 Palestinians injured.

Israel’s assault on Gaza began five days later.

One year later, settlers set fire to the Dawabshe home in Duma. The soul survivor of the attack was a 4-year-old child; the child’s parents and infant brother were killed.

In 2015, a tent encampment, “Gate of Jerusalem,” was set up in Abu Dis to protest the Israeli government’s plans to displace Bedouin communities there.

Beginning in September 2015 and lasting until the end of the year, protests spread from the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem throughout the West Bank; 108 Palestinians were killed and 12,260 were injured.  Palestinians in Israel demonstrated in solidarity.

About Ida Audeh is a Palestinian from the West Bank who lives in Colorado. She is the editor of Birzeit University: The Story of a National Institution, published by Birzeit University in 2010. Other posts by .

The Other Side of the Wall

The Other Side of the Wall is my new book that recounts my experiences with the International Solidarity Movement in Palestine. It has recently been published by Cune Press and is now available at Amazon and Cune Press.

You can find a free sample from the book here.

Reviews:

Robert FantinaMiddle East Eye.

Jim Miles, Palestine Chronicle.

Ramona Wadi, Middle East Monitor.

Paul LarudeeInternational Solidarity Movement.

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Testimonials:

  • “A brave, poignant, and invaluable exposure to the daily suffering and dangers endured by the Palestinian people living under a cruel occupation that has lasted for 50 years with no end in sight.
  • Richard Hardigan is no spectator of this ordeal, writing as one who has for some months stood shoulder to shoulder in solidarity with the Palestinians, inspired by their extraordinary resolve, resilience, and above all by their loving hospitality.  Every American should be forced to read this illuminating book!”

Richard Falk, Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University and former UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. Professor Falk has written 20 books, the latest of which is Palestine’s Horizon: Towards a Just Peace.

  • “The Other Side of the Wall is a wrenching and revealing account that can only be conveyed by someone who has lived its exasperating and at times heartbreaking details. Richard Hardigan tells the story of the occupation of Palestine with utmost integrity. It is a powerful experience that is neither intended to be ‘balanced nor neutral’ but dauntingly real and unapologetically honest. A strongly recommended read.”

– Ramzy Baroud, scholar and author of several books, the latest of which is My Father was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story.

  • “In The Other Side of the Wall, Richard Hardigan not only takes you onto the ground in occupied Palestine, but into his shoes as a member of the International Solidarity Movement operating in the West Bank to try to bring the world’s attention to the suffering the Israeli occupation regime is inflicting upon the Palestinians. As the words flow off the page, candidly laying bare the thoughts and emotions that accompanied him on his journey, you feel the fear of confronting armed Israeli soldiers at demonstrations against the occupation.
  • You feel the sense of surrealism as you watch Palestinian youths get shot and carried away, bleeding. You feel the anticipation of wanting to do something to make a difference, followed by the sense of helplessness that comes with the realization that, even if the outside world, beyond that wall, was aware of the reality of life under Israeli occupation, too few would care enough to do anything about it.
  • You struggle with the sense of guilt knowing that, in the end, you, too, will be returning to a life of relative luxury and comfort, while the Palestinians you’ve gotten to know, who’ve opened their homes to you, will remain trapped in that nightmarish existence.
  • The Other Side of the Wall is the next closest thing to doing what he has done and actually traveling into the West Bank to enter that reality for oneself. Hardigan does a tremendous job of bringing that reality to you and, in doing so, conveying the message that, for the sake of our own humanity, we must not avert our eyes and look away, but each in our own capacity join in solidarity with the oppressed.”

Jeremy Hammond, award-winning political analyst, author and founding editor of Foreign Policy Journal. His latest book is Obstacle to Peace: The US Role in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.

  • This is an important book. As Palestine has become a human rights cause, and large segments of the land turned into virtual prisons, a call has gone out to foreigners of conscience to help Palestinians and many have responded. Richard Hardigan is one and he has written what we have been waiting for for years: a measured, you-are-there account of volunteering for the International Solidarity Movement, a vivid journal that takes us past slogans and ideologies.
  • Hardigan is a fine, mature writer. He tells us only what he saw and how he felt when he saw it, in a supreme effort to compensate those who gave him great hospitality with the only thing they sought from him in return: recognition in the eyes of the world.
  • Hardigan’s record is marked by endless imprisonments, tear gassings, shootings, but also moments of comedy and weakness that show Palestinians to be human beings very much like others in political stories that last. The moral questions that haunt Hardigan will haunt his readers. What made one group of humans do this to another group of humans? How can these people go on like this?

Philip Weiss, journalist and author. He co-edited The GoldStone Report: The Legacy of the Landmark Investigation of the Gaza Conflict, and he is the founder of Mondoweiss.

  • “In this informative and disturbing book, Richard Hardigan brings the reader into the stark, brutal reality of Palestinian suffering. From personal accounts of the suffering of people who quickly became close friends, to the biased reporting in the western media, the reader is brought face-to-face with the harsh truths of the Israeli occupation. A must-read for anyone wanting to be fully informed about this timely issue.”

– Robert Fantina, activist, journalist and author of numerous books. His latest is Empire, Racism and Genocide: A History of U.S. Foreign Policy.

  • “In this searing first-person account, Hardigan describes the murder, theft, desecration and destruction regularly visited on Palestinians by their Israeli tormentors with near-perfect impunity. He also chronicles systemic injustices such as the Wall that swallows land, water, and hope and a ‘justice’ system that regularly beats, incarcerates, and interrogates childen as young as twelve without due process. Any human who reads this account and is not furious enough to be spurred into action should check his or her pulse.”

– Pamela Olson, author of  Fast Times in Palestine.

  • “Following his experiences of the Tahrir Square uprising, in the summer of 2014 Richard Hardigan volunteered with the International Solidarity Movement to join in and to document the resistance to the brutal Israeli occupation of Palestine.
  • THE OTHER SIDE OF THE WALL reveals his own personal awakening to the realities of the apartheid wall, the deadly struggles in Palestinian villages, and the level of violence of Israeli forces and right wing settlers. Set in a backdrop culminating in the devastating seven week assault on Gaza, Hardigan’s voice moves from innocence to a deep seated rage as he bears witness to the brutality of Israeli policies, politicians, and the soldiers tasked with committing a long list of atrocities. 
  • In the tradition of Rachel Corrie, this book joins a growing collection of voices from the ground, calling out the endless grief and loss, and making it more difficult for anyone to say they didn’t know.”

 – Alice Rothchild, physician, author, filmmaker and social justice activist. Her films include the award-winning documentary Voices Across the Divide. Her latest book is Condition Critical: Life and Death in Israel/Palestine.

Notes and tidbits posted on FB and Twitter. Part 168

Note: I take notes of books I read and comment on events and edit sentences that fit my style. I pa attention to researched documentaries and serious links I receive. The page is long and growing like crazy, and the sections I post contains a month-old events that are worth refreshing your memory.

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I heard a couple days ago that Israel relented from constructing another wall of shame on Lebanon’s borders: The announcement referred to Lebanon President steadfast complaint that there are still 13 points on the border Not yet resolved with the UN. Anyway, Hezbollah strong message is good enough and excuse for Israel Not to open another front.
History stories are wrong: History never united a people on a worthy tangible value. Only wars gathered people to loot and massacre neighboring people.
What Great design and great copy do: They speak clearly so that people don’t have to listen so hard among all these noises
Deja enfant, j’etais certaine que devenir adulte privait plus qu’il n’accordait, empecher plus qu’il n’autorisait.
Vivre dans un quartier populaire, tu confrontes la realite’ que ton niveau de vie est plus que proportionel a ce que tu merites en qualite’, en proprete’ et en securite’.
When a President considers that what is illegal does Not apply to him (Nixon and all US presidents), and the major news medias keep the lid on, you end up with all kinds of “gates”. The US citizens got to come to term that all laws were meant to protect the Elites classes behaviors.
In China and Singapore, and in most South-East Asia, 80% of the kids and adolescents suffer from myopia. How to retard the set in of Myopia? Plenty to outside activities. Classrooms must enjoy 350 Lux lighting. Apparently, Myopine eye drops in very low concentration of antropine, has proven to be effective.
The Alpine jamboree this year is “Creating a Shared Future in a Fractured World,” so let’s team up and put those pieces back together.
A country is where we don’t have to be deported or transferred
Rational arguments are meant to reach the stage: “I understand” and stop there. Emotional intelligence decide on your position. And it is confident and steadfast.
Scientific facts need plenty of clear repetition and “understanding” before being inducted in the emotional intelligence that has the role of making a decision on an issue.

Visite de Tillerson à Beyrouth : ce qu’en dit la presse libanaise

(See notes at the end of the article)

Fermeté à l’égard du Hezbollah, écarts protocolaires : la visite, la veille, du secrétaire d’Etat américain, Rex Tillerson, à Beyrouth a été abondamment commentée vendredi dans les grands titres de la presse libanaise.

“Tillerson depuis Beyrouth : inquiétez-vous du Hezbollah”, titre le quotidien de référence an-Nahar, en référence aux propos tenus par le chef de la diplomatie américaine, lors de son escale à Beyrouth, selon lesquels l’engagement du Hezbollah “dans les conflits régionaux” menace “la sécurité du Liban” et a des “effets déstabilisateurs sur la région”.

Dans son article, l’éditorialiste Rosana Bou Monsef a vu dans les déclarations de M. Tillerson un “message adressé à l’Iran”, notant qu’elles tranchent avec celles qu’il avait tenues la veille, à Amman, lorsqu’il a reconnu que le parti chiite faisait partie du “processus politique” au Liban.

De son côté, le quotidien al-Joumhouria est revenu, dans l’un de ses articles, sur les écarts protocolaires qui ont marqué l’escale beyrouthine du secrétaire d’État, qui ont provoqué le “mécontentement” de la part des Américains.

A l’aéroport de Beyrouth, M. Tillerson n’a pas été accueilli à sa descente d’avion par son homologue libanais, Gebran Bassil, mais le directeur du protocole par intérim du ministère des Affaires étrangères. (Les coutumes de faiblesse d’antan n’oblige pas a perpetuer ce qui n’est pas du protocole international)

Et à son arrivée au palais de Baabda, un peu en avance, le responsable américain a trouvé le fauteuil présidentiel vide et a attendu quelques minutes l’arrivée de M. Bassil et du président Michel Aoun.

Le journal relate également les sujets de discussion qui étaient au menu des entretiens de M. Tillerson avec le chef de l’Etat et le Premier ministre Saad Hariri, notamment sur les dossiers du mur israélien à la frontière avec le Liban et l’exploitation des ressources offshores au large des côtés libanaises près d’Israël.

Al-Joumhouria publie par ailleurs un entretien avec le ministre de la Jeunesse et des sports, Mohammad Fneich, membre du Hezbollah, qui affirme que “les prises de position de Tillerson sur le Hezbollah ne nous concernent pas”.

Pour sa part, le quotidien al-Moustaqbal, propriété de M. Hariri, titre “Tillerson à Beyrouth : partenariat ‘stratégique’ et ‘médiation’ frontalière”, notant que les responsables libanais ont réitéré leur engagement envers la politique de distanciation des conflits régionaux et la résolution 1701.

Dans son article, Thouraya Chahine souligne que “le message de Washington est clair : la stabilité et l’armée libanaise sont des lignes rouges”.

Le journal al-Akhbar, très proche du Hezbollah, indique dans un article que “M. Tillerson a répété la même chanson américaine classique : désarmement du Hezbollah, assèchement des sources de financement du Hezbollah, retrait du Hezbollah de Syrie, préservation du calme au Liban-Sud et soutien à l’armée libanaise”.

“Le Liban refuse les diktats américains concernant la frontière”, titre le quotidien selon lequel les  Etats-Unis ont recommandé aux responsables libanais d’accepter les propositions au sujet de la frontière de l’émissaire du département d’État, David Satterfield, qui doit s’entretenir dans la journée avec Gebran Bassil.

Selon notre correspondant diplomatique Khalil Fleyhane, M. Satterfield a proposé une formule de compromis au sujet du bloc 9, prévoyant que la compagnie chargée de l’exploration des hydrocarbures offshore verse au Liban les deux tiers de ses ventes et le tiers à Israël, en attendant que le conflit frontalier soit réglé. Une proposition sur laquelle les dirigeants libanais ont exprimé des réserves.

(Pourquoi Israel ne verserapas le tier de ses ventes en attendant que les zones maritimes soient regle’?)

Note 1: After the visit of Tillerson on Thursday, Hassan Nasrallah delivered a speech on Friday. He bolstered the position of the Government by assuring them that Hezbollah can counter any Israeli land or sea encroachment on Lebanon. “Lebanon army is denied adequate weapons, but Hezbollah has all the necessary means to defend Lebanon’s rights”

Note 2: President Aoun responded to Tillerson that the military readiness of Hezbollah cannot be negotiated before a lasting peace on Lebanon borders and the return of the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon

Note 3: Any negotiation on borders land swapping is meant to erect a Wall of Shame along our border with Israel

Lire aussi

Face au secrétaire d’État, le Liban campe sur ses positions de principe, le décryptage de Scarlett HADDAD

Aoun : Tillerson était « à l’écoute et compréhensif »

Notes and tidbits posted on FB and Twitter. Part 137

Note: I take notes of books I read and comment on events and edit sentences that fit my style. I pay attention to researched documentaries and serious links I receive. The page is long and growing like crazy, and the sections I post contains a month-old events that are worth refreshing your memory.

French kidnapped Rochot dreaded most to fall sick. Many captives died out of sickness because the kidnapping faction had no official links with a hospital or any kinds of health practitioner.

In the Oslo agreement, Israel had no intention on negotiating the implanted colonies, the return of East Jerusalem or even relinquishing its rights for checking the entrances and exits at the borders with Jordan and Egypt.

Every Palestinian minister, deputy, and even Arafat had to obtain a permit to exit and enter Israel.  At the first opportunity, Israel destroyed the tiny airport in Gaza and whatever infrastructures that were built by European financing.

The Gulf States and Saudi Kingdom condemn Trump’s declaration on Jerusalem as instigating the extremist factions: They mean strengthening the views of Iran, Iraq, Syria and Hezbollah on how to deal with Israel occupation and the crisis in Yemen.

Since 2004, Israel built the 900 miles of the Wall of Shame dividing the so-called 1967 borders with Jordan, and Israel established also hundreds of check points all over the West Bank.

Most Israelis play the game of ignoring the presence of Palestinians living across town from them or across the wall: they are ashamed of this apartheid situation.

The danger to Israel has always came from the US Evangelical Zionists who 1) sincerely do not believe that Palestinians exist; 2) Palestinian people is an abstraction in their imagination and thus 3) encourage and feel free to exert undue pressures on the Israelis to exercise the ultimate in anti-Semitism, racism and apartheid policies on the “insignificant” and lower status indigents.

Milan Kundera said: “The struggle of man against the authority is the struggle of memory to forget (the injustices).” Palestinians will never wipe out their suffering and indignities from their collective memory.

Israel has already occupied the entire Jordan Valley which would prevent any link for any prospective Palestinian State to join directly any Arab country. Totally isolated to trade with outside world.

“tasweeb al bousalat” na7wa Falestine tatalaba 40 sanat.  “Wa kounna nourahen” kezbat ta3ni “kounna ma3zouleen wa manssiyyen”

Shou ya3ni “el3ab 3ala al mal3ab al tani?” Hal kel mal3ab moukhassass le ba3d al laa3ibeen?

 

Revealed: sketches that show the inspiration for Banksy’s ‘alternativity’ in Bethlehem

. Sunday 17 December 2017

The traditional stage is familiar from thousands of primary school Christmas celebrations. Mary kneeling by a manger, angels with haloes on sticks, a diminutive king with an outsized crown.

But behind the actors and audience loom the menacing concrete slabs of a vast barrier wall, (Wall of Shame, making Palestinians invisible to Israelis) and the spotlights of the stage are augmented by searchlights from a watchtower housing snipers and machine guns.

The sketch, published exclusively in the Observer, is part of the latest Palestinian territories project by Banksy, the anonymous but ubiquitous street artist who has spent more than a decade travelling to both the West Bank and Gaza to make art and occasionally stir up controversy.

This Christmas, he teamed up with the Oscar-winning director Danny Boyle ( Slumdog Millionaire director) and Palestinian Riham Isaac to stage a nativity play in the shadow of Bethlehem’s barrier wall, the type of playful but highly political art that has become his trademark.

The one-off performance of an “alternativity”, with angels who send their tidings of joy through text message rather than personal visitations, was watched mostly by local families and journalists.

But a documentary about the project will run on BBC2 on Sunday evening, bringing a much larger audience for the play and the questions it raises about what the Christmas message of peace means in a region mired in conflict.

Banksy rarely talks about the motivation behind his work but the sketch of the stage and a series of other images shown here for the first time give some clues to his inspiration and the evolution of his artistic plans.

Evolution of Cherub Wall by Banksy in Bethlehem.
Pinterest
 Evolution of Cherub Wall by Banksy in Bethlehem. Photograph: http://www.banksy.co.uk

One set shows how he planned a prominent new artwork for the wall. The first is just jottings on a photograph, showing his first thoughts on location and shape; then a pencil sketch on tracing paper gives a better sense of the design, two cherubs trying to prise apart concrete panels with a crowbar.

In the final piece, one angel hides its face behind a bandana, and the other wears a beanie.

They floated just over the mock security gate that the audience had to pass through for the evening’s show, after the Palestinian co-director asked for Banksy to replace a looming Trump mural.

In another black-and-white sketch, a shepherd stands outside his modest hut, gazing at a sprawling maze and the looming barrier wall that hides his destination, a small mosque. It is perhaps a nod to the many daily frustrations and humiliations of life in the Palestinian territories, where the wall is just the most obvious physical manifestation of the restrictions the residents face, which Boyle explores in the film.

In a third drawing, tourists stream out of buses into the nearby Church of the Nativity, turning their backs on the wall – and the Walled Off hotel Banksy opened beside it. A final map shows borders of Gaza and the West Bank replaced by barrier walls.

Banksy convinced Boyle to fly out to Bethlehem to direct the play, probably one of the smallest productions the Slumdog Millionaire director has worked on in decades.

The Bristol-born artist presumably hoped that the combination of his name, Boyle’s reputation and the unusual nativity show itself would attract the kind of viewers who would not normally settle down to an hour-long programme about the Israel-Palestine conflict on a Sunday evening.

Whatever his reasons for taking part, Boyle was an inspired choice. Engaging and honest about how little he knows about the region, he takes the viewer with him on an exploration of the restrictions and indignities of life in Bethlehem and other parts of the West Bank.

The documentary is also honest about Palestinian ambivalence towards Banksy, his hotel and his latest project, which stops it from feeling like part of the vast publicity machine that has turned the artist into a virtual industry.

At the start of their collaboration, Isaac warns Boyle that they may struggle to find actors, or even an audience, for the play.

Palestinians find the barrier menacing and try to stay away, and parents worry about spending an evening near a wall whose very existence some have tried to hide from their younger children.

Just before the performance, Banksy left another Christmas message on a doorway nearby. “Peace on Earth”, with a Christmas star beside it, noting that “terms and conditions apply”.

The sketch, published exclusively in the Observer, is part of the latest Palestinian territories project by Banksy, the anonymous but ubiquitous street artist who has spent more than a decade travelling to both the West Bank and Gaza to make art and occasionally stir up controversy.

This Christmas, he teamed up with the Oscar-winning director Danny Boyle and Palestinian Riham Isaac to stage a nativity play in the shadow of Bethlehem’s barrier wall, the type of playful but highly political art that has become his trademark. The one-off performance of an “alternativity”, with angels who send their tidings of joy through text message rather than personal visitations, was watched mostly by local families and journalists.#AndiVincent

Danny Boyle’s BBC Two documentary explores the problems he encountered directing the artist’s contemporary reworking of the Christmas story
THEGUARDIAN.COM

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